La prise de décision belige en politique extérieure : cohésion, tensions, controle et influences

Res Publica ◽  
1987 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-84
Author(s):  
Christian Franck
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Third World ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Bureaucratic Politics ◽  
Cultural Relations ◽  
Prise De Décision ◽  
Pressure Groups ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Countervailing Power

Besides classical issues of parliamentary control and pressure groups' influence, coordination between ministers and administrations involved in foreign policy making and harmonization of national foreign policy with external cultural relations led by the french, flemish and german Communities are the major problems belgian foreign policy making has to cope with.Divergences on options or heterogeneity of functional missions (Finance and Third World Cooperation e.g.) require arbitration and cooperative procedures provided by foreign affairs ministerial comitee at the governmental level. Competition for leading role and confrontation of functional paradigms foster «bureaucratic politics» between services. European affairs constitues a major issue for bureaucratic coordination.Attribution to the Communities of assessment power to cultural agreements and reservation to national government of the treaty making power let arise a kind of illogism and a conflict of competences that pragmatic concertation tends to get round.As to parliamentary control, it consists in a greater influence of majority's deputies than in an effective opposition's countervailing power to amend coalition foreign policy. So play pressure groups a role in influencing bilateral much more than multilateral affairs.

scholarly journals The President’s Influence on the Formation of Lithuanian Foreign Policy: A Shift of the Power Center During Grybauskaitė’s Term

Politologija ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 94 (2) ◽  
pp. 8-55
Author(s):  
Tomas Janeliūnas
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Formation Mechanism ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Policy Formation ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Power Center ◽  
And Behavior ◽  
The Relationship

This article raises the question of what role does the presidential institution hold in the Lithuanian foreign policy formation mechanism and how a particular actor (president) can change their powers in foreign policy without going beyond the functions formally defined in the Constitution. The period of President Grybauskaitė’s term and her efforts as an actor to define her role in shaping Lithuanian foreign policy are analyzed. This is assessed in the context of the activities and behavior of former Lithuanian presidents and in the context of relations with other institutions involved in foreign policy making – the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) and the Seimas in particular. This article analyzes the relationship between the actor (Grybauskaitė) and the already established structure of domestic foreign policy formation and the ability of the actor to change this structure. The analysis suggests that it is precisely because of the choices made by Grybauskaite during 2009–2019 that a relationship between the structures of foreign policy making in Lithuania has changed considerably, and that the center of power of foreign policy formation has shifted to the presidency.

The Rise, Fall and Rebirth of Foreign Policy Planning in Brazil (1949-2018)

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Rogério de Souza Farias
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Policy Planning ◽  
Trade Off ◽  
External Relations ◽  
The World

Summary Policy planning has a long history in the Ministries of Foreign Affairs around the world. This article provides an overview of almost 70 years of this technique in Brazil’s Ministry of External Relations (Itamaraty). I will argue that there has been a clear trade-off between predicting, preaching, disrupting and managing. Despite its failures, planning has been an important tool for coping with uncertainty and has provided coherence in foreign policy-making.

Brazil and Non-Alignment

2020 ◽  
pp. 100-122
Author(s):  
Stella Krepp
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Third World ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
New Era ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
Formed Part ◽  
Shed Light ◽  
Brazilian Politics

Until the mid-1960s, Brazil played a leading role in inter-American affairs and the same holds true for its engagement with the non-aligned movement. This chapter attempts to shed light on the Brazilian role at the two non-aligned conferences in Belgrade 1961 and Cairo 1964. While only three years apart, the two conferences highlight two very distinctive experiences for Brazil and Latin America as a whole. In 1961, Brazilian politics teemed with reformist aspirations and expectations and this translated into a new attitude towards the emerging third world. Under the Quadros and later the Goulart government, Brazil followed an “independent foreign policy” and strengthened ties with both the socialist and decolonized countries, and participating in the non-aligned movement formed part of this new nexus of relationships. By 1964, however, this trend had been reversed, as a military coup in Brazil ushered in a new era in domestic and foreign policies.

The Sociology of Diplomats and Foreign Policy Sector: The Role of Cliques on the Policy-Making Process

2020 ◽  
pp. 147892992090195
Author(s):  
Rahime Süleymanoğlu-Kürüm
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Career Path ◽  
Policy Decision ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Policy Making Process ◽  
Ruling Elites ◽  
Organisational Process ◽  
Governmental Politics

This paper studies the sociology of elites and the role of cliques on the foreign policy-making process through an exploratory case study of Turkish Ministry for Foreign Affairs. It identifies elite sociology as the independent variable triggering a policy-making process in the Turkish Ministry for Foreign Affairs in line with organisational process or governmental politic approaches. It shows that until the 1980s, the Turkish Ministry for Foreign Affairs was marked by strong hierarchical tradition triggered by a certain career path and cliqueism leading to the homogeneity in the sociology of elites. This in turn triggered a foreign policy-making process based on organisational process. The role of cliqueism weakened along with the incremental circulation of elites in the post-1980s and particularly in the post-2005 period as the elite structure in the Turkish Ministry for Foreign Affairs became even more heterogeneous, foreign policy-making process moved towards governmental politics which allowed taking into account diverse schools of thought. Nevertheless, newly emerging programmatic elites employed deliberate efforts for elite circulation by altering the dominant career path and relying on political appointments. The resulting outcome was the emergence of a new clique of ruling elites subordinate to political elites which led to the politicisation of the foreign policy decision-making process in the post-2011 period.

National Security Policy-Making and Cacophony of Voices in the Reagan Administration

1982 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-146
Author(s):  
P.M. Kamath
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
National Security ◽  
Reagan Administration ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
National Interest ◽  
The United States ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
National Security Policy

In the post-World War II period “national security” has become the most important concept commanding respect among policy-makers and demanding crippling-silence on the part of the national community. It is not necessary here to examine the reasons1, for this commandeering position given to the concept of national security, but in an objective sense, foreign affairs of any nation in the ultimate analysis is conducted to secure national security. In this sense national security essentially denotes a nation's determination to preserve at any cost some of its interests. Foremost are : territorial integrity, political independence and fundamental governmental institutions.2 In the contemporary world it is also a well established fact that the military, diplomatic and economic aspects of a nation's foreign affairs are inseperably interlinked with one another. While foreign policy aims at serving national interest through peaceful diplomatic means, military policy aims at preparedness to protect national interest in case foreign policy fails. The foreign policy of a nation has also to take into consideration economic states involved in a particular policy consideration. This is particularly true for a super power like the United States. Hence, in a sense, it is appropriate to term the combination of foreign and military policies of a nation as national security policy. Who makes national security policy in the United States? What are the special features of national security policy-making process? It is proposed to answer these questions in this paper with special reference to the Reagan Administration.

Mahathirism and Its Legacy in Malaysia’s Foreign Policy

2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jörn Dosch
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
The Public ◽  
Asian Regionalism ◽  
Policy Style ◽  
Global Affairs

The foreign policy style of Malaysia’s fourth prime minister, Mahathir Mohamad (1981–2003), was controversial in many instances, but the country’s influence and leverage in regional and global affairs had been remarkable for a country of its size. Despite initial outcries within Malaysia’s neighbourhood, Mahathir’s contributions to a wider East Asian regionalism are a lasting legacy. In the decade that has passed since Mahathir stepped down, Malaysia’s international relations have rarely made the global headlines. Does the legacy of Mahathirism live on in Malaysia’s foreign policy, or does the seeming absence of bold and pro-active initiatives indicate a substantive change of style and direction? The prime ministers since 2003, Abdullah Badawi and Najib Razak, have lacked Mahathir’s hegemonic status in policy-making, and this has inevitably led to a de-personalisation and institutionalisation of foreign affairs. At the same time both administrations have continued Mahathir’s practice of keeping foreign affairs out of the public domain as much as possible, in order to reduce the influence of domestic interests and debates on foreign policy matters.

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