Het dramatisch Eerste Ministerschap van Mark Eyskens : een terugblik na twintig jaar

Res Publica ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 429-481
Author(s):  
Aloïs Van De Voorde

The Christian-democrat/socialist government Martens IV resigned at the end ofMarch 1981, because the socialist party could not agree with an urgency plan to reorganize the public finances.  Mark Eyskens, Minister of Finance in that cabinet, put together a new government as soon as April 6 of the same year. He succeeded as Prime Minister while all the other resigning ministers remained in their function. Minister Robert Vandeputte, an extra-parlementarian and honorary governor of the Central Bank, became the new Minister of Finance.  Like the preceding governments, the Eyskens cabinet was strongly hampered by deep mistrust between the coalition partners, opposing views between the two communities of Belgium and by disagreements about the way to deal with the socio-economic crisis.The Eyskens cabinet was particularly confronted with the organization of the restructured steelmill Cockerill-Sambre and with the absolute low point of the economic crisis. The budget was strongly affected by the increasing unemployment benefits and the collapse of the fiscal revenues. Due to the continuing protest of the trade unions, Mark Eyskens did not succeed to adapt the automatic wage indexation in order to improve the competitive position ofthe Belgian enterprises. He did however manage to prevent the devaluation of the Belgian franc, which had come under pressure regularly on the financial markets.By the middle of September 1981 the Eyskens government fell as a result of disagreements between the coalition partners about the financing ofthe money loosing steelmill Cockerill-Sambre in Wallonia.  Parliamentary elections were advanced to November 8, 1981. The Christiandemocrats lost a considerable number of seats. A Christian-democrat/liberal cabinet, again headed by Wilfried Martens, emerged by mid December. It would carry out a neoliberal policy. Mark Eyskens became the Minister of Economicaffairs in the new government.

Res Publica ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 46 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 357-376
Author(s):  
William Fraeys

In Belgium the European elections and those for the regional councils were held on the same day. The elections of June 13th 2004 deserve a threefold analysis. First a comparison can be made with the results obtained five years ago for the same assemblies. lt shows that in Flanders the socialist party has progressed but that this advance was mainly due to the constitution of a cartel with one faction - Spirit - of the defunct Volksunie. The christian democrats made headway, their progress being enhanced by the contribution of N-VA, the other faction stemming from the Volksunie. The liberals declined fairly markedly as did the green party but to a lesser extent than in the elections for the federal parliament. The June 2004 elections saw above all progress for the extreme right Vlaams Blok, which has become the second biggest party of Flanders with 24 pct of the vote. In the Walloon provinces the socialists progress most thereby increasing the gap separating them from the liberals. The christian democrats advance somewhat while the green party Ecolo declines substantially.  The parties of the far right gain support and reach 8.73 pct of the vote. In Brussels the socialist advance is very marked allowing this party to conquer first place to the detriment of the liberals who are in decline. The progress made by frenchspeaking christian democrats is significant.A second approach for the analysis consists in comparing the results of the regional elections with those of the European ones. The differences are slight and rnainly due to the popularity of the candidates. In Belgium there was no "eurosceptic" or "sovereignty" list.  The third angle consists in comparing the 2004 results with the ones of the parliamentary elections of 2003. One then observes in Flanders a decline of the socialists, a significant fall in support for the liberals and a progression of the christian democrats. But the main development remains the progression of the Vlaams Blok which gains more than 6 pct compared to its good result of 2003.  In the Walloon provinces, the socialists remain at their 2003 level but increase their positive gap with regard to the liberals who are in decline. The christian democrats advance by some 2 pct whereas Ecolo recovers a small part of its 2003 loss. The parties of the far right gain some 1.5 pct. In Brussels, the most noteworthy developrnent is the progress of the frenchspeaking socialists who take over the first place from the liberals.In genera!lthese elections are characterised by a reinforcement of the far right to the detriment of the centre parties and by a status quo of the aggregate consisting of socialists and greens, but to the benefit of the former.


Subject The government’s poor showing in regional elections. Significance Elections in Slovakia’s eight regions on November 4 led to a surprise defeat for Prime Minister Robert Fico’s Direction-Social Democracy (Smer-SD) party, whose candidates lost four of the six governorships they previously held. A coalition of opposition centre-right parties, which normally only win the governorship in the most prosperous region, Bratislava, was victorious in five of the eight regions. This is the strongest indication yet that the current left-nationalist government could be replaced by such a coalition at the next parliamentary elections due in spring 2020. Impacts The current governing coalition will want to avoid early elections and serve a full four-year term until March 2020. Fico is likely to continue promoting generous social policies to increase his political support. With the defeat of the far-right, Slovakia will continue to diverge from the other Central European states. The weakening of Smer-SD and lack of trust shown by voters leaves considerable scope for new parties to succeed in future elections.


2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (78) ◽  
pp. 75-86
Author(s):  
Lisa Storm Villadsen

This article contributes to scholarship on emotions in political rhetoric by way of complicating commonly held ­views on which types of emotions are appropriate in public debate. The article examines the feeling shame from two perspectives, each rhetorically and critically oriented: one is analytical, the other theoretical. The case material comes from Danish politics where a group of celebrities stated to the press that they felt ashamed on account of Denmark’s policy regarding refugees and immigrants. Based in analysis of the public reaction from the Prime Minister I show how the feeling shame and those who felt it were marked as inappropriate from public debate. In the latter part of the article I theorize on negative emotions and shame in public rhetoric. Drawing on contemporary political philosophy and feminist and queer theory I argue for a more nuanced view on appeals to the emotion ­shame. Closer reflection suggests that it does not necessarily imply the destructive social distancing one would ordinarily expect but that it has potential as a marker of solidarity with the collective and as such can drive ethical reconsideration


1977 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hassan Mohammadi-Nejad

In Western democracies elections are viewed as a means by which the public controls the policies of the government and decides who the policy-makers should be. Democratic theory makes two basic assumptions about elections: one is that the electorate is generally informed to the extent that it can make a meaningful and rational choice among various policy alternatives; the other, that the electorate expresses its policy preferences through recognizable partisan groupings in a two- or multiparty system.


Subject The post-election political scene. Significance The incumbent Socialist Party of Albania (PSSh) under Prime Minister Edi Rama won parliamentary elections held on June 28. This result ensures a broad continuation of the previous government's reformist and integrationist policy stance. Impacts Although PSSh has a parliamentary majority, it will have to cohabit with an opposition president after July 24. Reform of the justice system, found in a survey to top the list of citizens' wants, would improve Albania's image for foreign investors. Rama will continue championing the rights of ethnic Albanians in periodic confrontation with Slav populations in regional states.


Author(s):  
Chris Pierson

This chapter argues that the starkest of the institutional problems facing social democracy now is a growing inability to win elections. Added to this was the challenge of a long-term decline in the industrial wing of social democracy. Historically, social democracy has been the politics of the labour movement, and a key component of this movement has always been trade unions and their members. While that relationship was not always as close as it was in the British or Swedish cases, trade unionism was almost always the ‘other half’ of social democracy. However, the 1980s were a time of loss for this ‘other side’ of social democracy. Trade unions were becoming increasingly feminised, more focused in the public sector and drawing in increasing numbers of middle-class public service members.


2005 ◽  
Vol 8 (37) ◽  
pp. 199-205
Author(s):  
Javier García Oliva

The last general elections in Spain took place on 14 March 2004. The Socialist Party took over power after eight years of José María Aznar's rightwing conservative government. According to some commentators, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero became the new Prime Minister unexpectedly. We should bear in mind that only three days earlier, on 11 March, horrendous terrorist attacks in Madrid had shocked the international community.


Subject Political situation in Belgium. Significance The centre-right Belgian government coalition, led by Prime Minister Charles Michel, has pursued a reformist agenda since it came into power in 2014. However, this has been met with opposition from trade unions and the public. While the government has implemented some of its planned reforms, more work is required to reform the country’s welfare system and increase employment. Meanwhile, regional tensions between Flanders and Wallonia remain an issue. Impacts The modest economic recovery will probably continue, with GDP growth forecast to reach 1.4% this year. The government's reforms are expected to lead to the creation of 120,000 jobs in 2017. Although the public deficit is expected to be below 3% of GDP this year, the consolidation of public finances will remain a priority. Islamist terrorism continues to pose a threat and the country remains on high alert.


Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-212
Author(s):  
Jan Ceuleers ◽  
Lieven De Winter

This paper describes the common techniques used in the constitution of candidates-lists for parliamentary elections. A common feature of these techniques is the consultation of party members. But the way in which this is done differs among the parties. AGALEV, the ecologist party, offers every member the possibility to have his say about every candidate.  The socialist party (SP) uses this system in two constituencies ; in the other constituencies a special congress decides. The christiandemocrats (CVP), the liberals (PVV) and the Flemish nationalists(VOLKSUNIE) constitute their lists by indirect vote : the leadership performs a first selection and the members then either approve or disapprove of this choice.Our research indicates that there are no essential differences between these two techniques from the point of view of membership participation.In both the ecologist and the socialist party the majority of members does not participate in the candidates-elections. Therefore, as with the indirect vote, candidates-lists are constituted by an active, militant and elitist group of members.  Whatever the technique used the infl,uence of the rank-and-file-member is small.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Neri Widya Ramailis ◽  
Dede Nopendri

Discourse is a series of sentences that relate and connect one proposition with the other propositions to from a unity. The main function of the news is not to warn, instruct, and make the public stunned, the main function of the news is to inform and then it is upto the public to utilize the news. There are two ways for the news to be useful to the public, the first to effort news as general knowledge and the second to effort the news a tool of social control. E-Ktp corruption cases are one of the biggest corruption cases that occurered in Indonesia. Therefore, many mass media reported heavilly on E-Ktp corruption cases, one of which was the kompas.com. furthermore, to find out how the writer gets the source the writer gets the source of data and information the writer uses the criminology visual method and then analyzes it using criminology newsmaking theory. However, the results of this study illustrate that the aspect highlighted are those of actors suspected of being involved in E-Ktp corruption cases. Where the media only emphasizes one institution, namely the people’s representative council, even though in this case the involved parties are not only the legislature but case the involved parties are not only the legislature but also from various institutions such as the interior ministry, state-owned enterprises, and private entrepreneurs. In the aspect of media projection Kompas.com make the bulk of the news about E- Ktp corruption cases as news headline and a tranding topic.


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