Het gebruik van voorkeurstemmen bij de federale parlementsverkiezingen van 18 mei 2003

Res Publica ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 45 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 401-428
Author(s):  
Bram Wauters
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Institutional Framework ◽  
The Past ◽  
Preferential Vote ◽  
Electoral Laws

At 18 May 2003, elections for both the Belgian House of Representatives and Senate were held within a new institutional framework: among others the constituencies were enlarged.The percentage of voters casting a preferential vote increased again, reaching the highest score ever with 66,5 %for the House and 68,0 %for the Senate. Voters can also cast a vote for several candidates figuring on the same party list, which was not done very frequently in the past. The number of preference votes on one ballot increased enormously, with naw on average 2,23 for the House and 2,37 for the Senate. More candidates than ever succeeded in becoming elected out of the order of the party list, which was mostly decisive in the past.Thenew electoral laws are one reason for these changes, togethers with some political and social evolutions, such as individualism, anti-party feelings and mediatisation.

Het gebruik van de voorkeurstem bij de regionale en Europese parlementsverkiezingen van 13 juni 2004

Res Publica ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 46 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 377-412
Author(s):  
Bram Wauters ◽  
Karolien Weekers ◽  
Jean-Benoît Pilet
Keyword(s):  
European Parliament ◽  
European Elections ◽  
The Past ◽  
Preferential Vote ◽  
Electoral Laws ◽  
Campaign Expenditures

On 13 June 2003, elections for both the regional parliaments and the European Parliament were held in Belgium.The percentage of voters casting a preferential vote increased when compared with the previous regional and European elections of 1999, reaching scores clearly higher than 60%.  The new electoral laws are one explanation for this increase, together with societal evolutions, such as individualism, anti-party feelings, personalization of polities and the appearance of cartels. In comparison with the federal elections of 2003 however, there was a decrease in prererential voting, due to lower campaign expenditures and to the success of parties that traditionally do not attract many preferential votes.  Voters can also cast a vote for several candidates figuring on the same party list, which is contrary to the past done quite frequently now. Finally, more candidates than ever succeeded in becoming elected out oî the order of the party list.

De stagnatie van de voorlkeurstemmen op 13 december 1987

Res Publica ◽  
1988 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-71
Author(s):  
Erwin Das
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Electoral District ◽  
Preferential Vote ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Democratic Parties

At the general elections in Belgium, the voter has the possibility to bring out a vote for a party or a vote for a candidate of the party (a preferential vote). At the general elections of December 13, 1987, for the House of Representatives, the voters have voted for 48 % by preference, whereas, for the Senate 38 % of them have done so. The evolution is still stagnating. The use of preferential votes is varying from one electoral district toanother: from 65 % in the district of Tongeren-Maaseik to 33 % in Mechelen.There is also a difference from one politica! party to another. The highest percentage is obtained by the  Christian-democratic parties : 60 % ; the lowest by the ecologists: 23 %.The preferential votes individual candidates obtain differ widely. This is not only as a result of their popularity, but also of their political position and rendering of services.Preferential voting is characteristic to politically conscious voters.

scholarly journals Perspectivas de reforma del sector del agua en México: un análisis institucional / Outlook for Reform of Water Sector in Mexico: An Institutional Analysis

2009 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 549
Author(s):  
Ma. de Lourdes Amaya Ventura
Keyword(s):  
Institutional Change ◽  
Institutional Analysis ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
Institutional Framework ◽  
Opportunity Costs ◽  
Water Sector ◽  
Endogenous Factors ◽  
The Past

En este ensayo se examinan las condiciones actuales de México con la intención de determinar la conveniencia de una reforma del marco institucional del sector del agua. Para ello se identifican diversas variables que se considera influyen en la política hidráulica; se les clasifica en factores exógenos o endógenos y se valora su influencia en la reforma que el sector experimentó durante la década pasada. Se revisa la evolución de dichas variables y se estima el efecto que tendrían actualmente en la valoración de los tomadores de decisiones de un posible cambio institucional, a partir de los costos de transacción y de oportunidad que éste les representaría. AbstractThis essay examines current conditions in Mexico in order to determine the advisability of a reform of the institutional framework of the water sector. To this end, various variables are identified that are thought to influence hydraulic policy. These are classified into exogenous or endogenous factors and their influence on the reform experienced by the sector during the past decade is evaluated. The author reviews the evolution of these variables and estimates the effect they would currently have on decision-makers’ evaluation of a possible institutional change on the basis of the transaction and opportunity costs the latter would provide.

Local ceasefires in Libya encourage unity agreement

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Foreign Companies ◽  
The Past ◽  
Final Draft ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Water Provision ◽  
The Government

Significance They will probably discuss the final draft of the peace agreement between the two main rival political blocs: the pro-Islamist Libya Dawn bloc led by the Tripoli-based General National Congress (GNC) parliament, and the Tobruk-based House of Representatives (HoR) supported by the anti-Islamist Dignity bloc led by General Khalifa Haftar. Efforts to reach agreement on creating a single government -- the Government of National Accord (GNA) -- have been bulding over the past year. This has stoked rejectionists and spoilers on both sides, although an increase in local ceasefire initiatives has increased the prospects of a deal. Impacts Any new government would likely move quickly to sign deals with foreign companies on construction, electricity and water provision. However, it would likely be split between those preferring to work with European and Turkish or US and UK companies. Fragmentation and the need to meet urgent political deadlines, such as on the constitution, will hamper the GNA's effectiveness.

Het gebruik van de meervoudige voorkeurstem bij de parlementsverkiezingen van 21 mei 1995

Res Publica ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-168
Author(s):  
Jozef Smits ◽  
Inge Thomas
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political Party ◽  
System Change ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Preferential Vote ◽  
Election System ◽  
Voting System ◽  
Internal Affairs ◽  
First Time

In Belgium the multiple preferential voting system was for the first time applied to parliamentary elections in 1995. Since then the electorate has the possibility to cast a vote for several candidates figuring on the same party list.As a result of this voting system change, more voters used the possibilities offered by the preferential voting system than during the 1991 elections: almost 57% of the electorate of 1995 cast a multiple vote on candidates for the House of Representatives - this was an increase of 8,6% compared to the 1991 results. For the Senate, the trend is even clearer: 59% of the electorate expressed their preference for one or more candidates of the Senate, resulting in an increase of 18,3% compared to 1991. Though one has to add that the above mentioned increases are only partly due to the election system change. Part of the increase is actually also due to a more accurate handling by the Ministery of Internal Affairs of the multiple preferential voting data figuring on the ballot-papers.Compared to previous elections the use of preferential voting was for the first time higher for the Senate than for the House of Representatives. Furthermore, the analysis showed that the use of the multiple preferential vote is varying from one constituency to another, from Flemings to Walloons and from one political party to another.

Conclusion

2019 ◽  
pp. 198-222
Author(s):  
Matthew N. Green ◽  
Douglas B. Harris
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Ethnically Diverse ◽  
Vote Choice ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Candidate Emergence ◽  
The Past ◽  
Leadership Elections ◽  
The U.S

This chapter reviews the examination of the factors behind candidate emergence and the analyses of vote choice in fourteen contested leadership elections in the U.S. House of Representatives since 1965. It then discusses additional possible explanations of vote choice, how applicable the present findings may be to other legislative settings, and how the politics of leadership races has changed in the past and may change in the years ahead. The chapter concludes that we may see more ethnically diverse leadership candidates than in the past, with voters, interest groups, and new media playing more significant roles in shaping lawmakers' vote choice. However, so long as the central elements shaping the House's leadership elections—the size of the chamber, the service orientation of party leaders, committees and states as the bases for professional connections—do not change, professional connections and salient goals will remain fundamental to how the rank-and-file decide who will lead them.

Representation

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Larry M. Bartels ◽  
Joshua D. Clinton ◽  
John G. Geer
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The United States ◽  
Far Right ◽  
The Past ◽  
Multi Stage ◽  
The Us ◽  
Jim Crow Era ◽  
History Of

We examine the history of political representation in the United States using a multi-stage statistical analysis of the changing relationship between roll call votes in the US House of Representatives and the preferences of citizens (as measured by presidential votes). We show that members of Congress have become considerably more responsive to constituents’ preferences over the past 40 years, reversing a half-century drought in responsiveness stemming from the South’s one-party Jim Crow era. However, the House as a whole has become less representative, veering too far left when Democrats are in the majority and too far right when Republicans are.

Who Should Reorganize the National Administration?

1932 ◽  
Vol 26 (6) ◽  
pp. 1082-1098 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peyton Hurt
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
Speaker Of The House

The controversy of last winter between a Republican President and a Democratic Speaker of the House of Representatives over the President's suggestion that he be authorized by Congress to reorganize the national administrative departments, subject to a veto within sixty days by Congress, calls to mind the fact that during the past twenty years opinion has been almost unanimous in favor of thoroughgoing administrative reorganization, although no legislation going this far has been enacted. Of the various plans proposed, some have been extensive, contemplating complete reorganization of the executive departments, while others have been devoted to special phases of the problem. But on one point all agree, namely, that the national administration must be reorganized before it will function with the desired economy and efficiency. Now, after years of delay, the problem comes to the fore with renewed vigor. Stimulated by the urgent need for economy in federal expenditures, Congress, the President, and the public are again agreed that reorganization is highly desirable as a means of balancing the budget and securing greater efficiency in government.

The Incumbency Advantage in the US Congress: A Roller-Coaster Relationship

Politics ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 220-230 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Stockemer ◽  
Rodrigo Praino
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
American Politics ◽  
Roller Coaster ◽  
Incumbency Advantage ◽  
Constant Increase ◽  
Us Congress ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Us ◽  
The 1960S

While every student in American politics knows that the incumbency advantage grew post-1965, it is less clear as to whether or not this growth has been sustainable throughout the 1980s, 1990s and 2000s. Focusing on the last three decades, we show that the electoral margins of sitting members of the House of Representatives have not linearly grown over the past 60 years. On the contrary, the constant increase in incumbents' vote shares between the 1960s and 1980s could not be sustained in the 1990s. In fact, in the 1990s, the incumbency advantage dropped sharply to levels experienced in the 1960s. In recent years, the electoral margin of sitting House members seems to have grown again to levels comparable to those in the 1970s.

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