scholarly journals Energy Security and the Cyprus Question

2015 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 5-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vasileios P. Karakasis

In February 2014, Nikos Anastasiades, the President of the Republic of Cyprus and Dervis Eroglu, the Turkish-Cypriot leader, signed a Joint Declaration that established certain “ground-rules” upon which the then stalled peace talks -aiming at the island’s reunification- could be revived. The main stimulant prompting this evolution was the discovery of new energy sources in the Eastern Mediterranean, and especially offshore the RoC. In October 2014, Turkish navigational warning notified mariners that Turkey would soon perform its seismic surveys in sea areas that encroach on Cyprus’s EEZ, raising concerns on the escalation of the intractable and protracted Cyprus conflict. Aim of this research project is to provide readers with an insight on how the flow between energy and power politics is played out in the Eastern Mediterranean. Suggesting that the existing tensions extend beyond the struggle over the existing material energy assets in the seabed of the Levant Basin, the project casts light upon the notion of energy security by setting forth the indicators it is composed of. While scrutinizing the statements of the leaders on these events and seeking to highlight the security discourses they are coming up with, the project resorts to discourse analysis.

2019 ◽  
Vol 125 ◽  
pp. 10004
Author(s):  
Sekar Anggun Gading Pinilih ◽  
Wiana Laelaputri Chairunnisa

This study aims to discuss new and renewable energy policies as an effort to build national energy security. Research methods use legal research that searches from various perspectives. The implementation of analysis, using the method of regulatory and focus on energy, generally has many impacts. First, the policy on the use of new and renewable energy aims to prepare the carrying capacity of national energy security. Implementation this policy has not been fully implemented because there are still many obstacles faced. Second, the use of new energy and renewable energy as an effort to build national energy security in Indonesia is still not optimal. Even though Indonesia is blessed with abundant natural and energy resources in all its regions and the need for new and renewable energy as the future fate of energy security in the unitary state of the Republic of Indonesia for people's welfare as a step to reduce the increase in consumption of fossil-based energy.


Subject The May 22 parliamentary elections. Significance The elections had the lowest turnout in the history of the Republic of Cyprus and brought about significant changes in the composition of the chamber. They were conducted amid a climate of fragile economic recovery and talks with the Turkish Cypriots on reunification. The outcome was a weakening of parliamentary support for the talks and a louder voice for nationalist, anti-austerity and anti-reform views. Impacts The government that is in place will not be affected because Cyprus has a presidential system. However, the lack of a parliamentary majority could hinder the Cypriot economy's fragile recovery. Resolving the division of Cyprus problem would be a significant positive boost for the very insecure Eastern Mediterranean.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 328-339
Author(s):  
Kijeong Nam

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explain Japan’s role in the peace process on the Korean Peninsula that began in early 2018. Design/methodology/approach This paper emphasizes the historical context of international politics in Northeast Asia, rather than power politics or geopolitics. The paper reaffirms the significance of the ongoing peace process on the Korean Peninsula by considering a synthesis of three joint declarations published in 1998, 2000 and 2002 between the Republic of Korea (ROK) and Japan, the ROK and Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), and between the DPRK and Japan. Findings The normalization of diplomatic relations between DPRK and Japan, along with reaffirmation of the joint declaration between the ROK and Japan, and the Panmunjeom Declaration, would be a base for denuclearizing Northeast Asia. Originality/value In Northeast Asia, historical reconciliation among the two Koreas and Japan and peace-building between the two parties on the Peninsula are closely linked. Moreover, the three bilateral relationships among these three parties are also the basis for creating a new multilateral security order in Northeast Asia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 472-486
Author(s):  
Pavel Andreevich Gudev

The Eastern Mediterranean is becoming a new region of interstate confrontation and clash of national interests. This is largely due to the discovery of oil and gas reserves, the development of which is becoming possible with the existing technology. The Republic of Turkey has a special position regarding this maritime region. The paper analyzes those bases - historical, political and legal - that determine Turkeys current policy with regard to maritime delimitation and the settlement of maritime disputes in the Eastern Mediterranean. Particularly, it is shown that Turkeys policy in the region continues to be based on the approaches that were announced by Turkey during the I-III UN Conferences on the Law of the Sea (1958, 1960, 1973-1982 respectively), which have remained unchanged up to now. This position, as regards both the outer limits of the territorial sea, the legal regime of islands and the delimitation of the continental shelf, continues to define the essence of the controversy between Turkey and other countries of the region, including Greece and the Republic of Cyprus. At the same time, it is shown that there is a set of circumstances that significantly limit the prospects of solving these interstate contradictions within the framework of international judicial instances, including the International Court of Justice and the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea. The conclusion is made that, for both Turkey and Greece, the most acceptable option would be to work out a model of settlement, which would not imply the obligation of its immediate implementation. Particular attention is paid to the ideological and practical framing of Turkish claims within the framework of the Blue Homeland doctrine, developed by a number of retired Turkish officers. It shows how Ankara uses the ideas of pan-Turkism and neo-Ottomanism to justify its claims to vast maritime spaces. The distinctive feature of this doctrine most likely is its anti-American, anti-NATO and anti-European orientation. There is a paradoxical situation when certain ideas enshrined in this concept directly correlate with the interests of the Russian Federation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 136-146
Author(s):  
Alexey Vitalievich Danilov

The article covers the period of the development of public diplomacy of the United States of America in the Republic of Cyprus. The chronological framework is determined by the process of historical formation of the US public policy and the beginning of the active implementation of public diplomacy programs on the island as a means of fulfilling foreign policy tasks. The author points out that the political course of the leadership of the United States from the second half of the 20th century was focused on more active inclusion of the country in international politics and the rejection of isolationism, which was primarily reflected in the departure from the postulates of the Monroe Doctrine and the entry of the United States into the First World War. This, in turn, had a great influence on the development of public diplomacy in the United States as a tool to promote the interests of the country, the creation of the necessary information support for foreign policy actions of the state, as well as a favorable image of the United States in other countries. For a long time, the USA did not consider Cyprus as one of the priorities of its foreign policy in the Eastern Mediterranean. This was largely due to the fact that Cyprus was part of traditional interests of Great Britain. Washingtons involvement in Cyprus occurred after the events of 1974 and the following Cyprus crisis. The United States focused on the Cyprus problem in the face of growing destabilization of the Middle East, showing interest in the logistics and transport infrastructure, a kind of natural outpost on the southeastern borders of NATO.


2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 132-148
Author(s):  
Mehmet Direkli

A new leading actor has been added to the Cyprus Conflict. The winner of the Presidential elections held on the morning of Sunday, 26 April 2015, in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (Kuzey Kıbrıs Türk Cumhuriyeti – TRNC) was the independent candidate Mustafa Akıncı. Both Nicos Anastasiades, who was elected President of the Republic of Cyprus in 2013, and Akıncı are rare leaders supporting the Fifth Annan Plan, which was rejected in a referendum by the Greek Cypriots in 2004. One of the most vital catalysts that could play a role in the resolution of the Cyprus Conflict is a charismatic leader who aims for the resolution of the conflict. Whether the current Presidents have this personality and can change the current balances that are monopolized by the conservatives-nationalists on the Island will be revealed as a result of the negotiations. This article briefly tackles the UN parameters relative to the Cyprus Conflict and addresses the problems awaiting Presidents Anastasiades and Akıncı during the peace negotiations that have started anew.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 17-27
Author(s):  
M. Kontos

Relations between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Cyprus have been traditionally close. However, some recent systemic developments seem to undermine their solid foundations. This article examines the contemporary international system and, especially, the regional sub-system of the Eastern Mediterranean in order to trace systemic changes that may affect relations between the countries under examination. The analysis of the Russian-Cypriot relations focuses on the potential effects of the international systemic changes on each one of their three main pillars: economic, diplomatic and cultural relations.


Europa XXI ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pierre Le Mouel

Defining the Cyprus Green Line is a contested issue. Since the accession to the European Union of the Republic of Cyprus (RoC) in 2004, the EU has had to balance between two conflicting definitions of the Green Line. The first, set by international law and the United Nations (UN) resolutions, is that of a peace line that is only a temporary internal discontinuity within the RoC, separating both communities until a settlement is agreed. The second, championed by Turkey and the Turkish Cypriots’ pseudo-state, is that of an international border between both independent communities. The EU has had to apply both definitions at the same time, legally and pragmatically, which has heavily hindered its own peacebuilding efforts in Cyprus and reduced its actorness in Eastern Mediterranean geopolitics.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-3) ◽  
pp. 258-263
Author(s):  
Argyrios Tasoulas

This article studies the development of Soviet-Cypriot trade relations in 1960-63, based on research at the Archives of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation (AVP RF). Concurrently, a historical analysis follows the events after the creation of the new Cypriot state and the two major Cold War crises (the building of the Berlin wall and the Cuban missile crisis). The efforts made by both governments to develop bilateral trade, the aftermath of the two major international crises and the results of the two governments’ policies have been identified and analyzed.


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