Neoliberalism and Gender Equality: Canadian Newspapers’ Representations of the Ban of Face Coverings at Citizenship Ceremonies

Author(s):  
Ivana Previsic

In late 2011, Canada’s Conservative government banned face coverings for those taking oath at citizenship ceremonies. The ban was unequivocally interpreted by the press to be targeting veil-wearing Muslim women. This paper analyzes newspaper coverage in the month following the announcement of the policy. It argues that most commentators conceptualized citizenship to be a neoliberal tool of rescuing veiled Muslim women from their male oppressors and making them more like the equal/neoliberal “us” and/or as a reward for those who already are or will become equal/neoliberal. Most non-Muslim commentators constructed gender oppression as the reason for which veiled women should (not) become citizens. Gender equality in Canada was represented as a key national value and inequality was erased or minimized and presented as a Muslim problem. In attempting to deflect these arguments, most Muslim commentators silenced gender inequality among Muslims by arguing that veiled Muslim women choose the practice and by relegating gender oppression to Western societies, thereby constructing veiled Muslim women as ideal neoliberal subjects worthy of Canadian citizenship.   Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v11i1.253

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivana Previsic

In late 2011, Canada’s Conservative government banned face coverings for those taking oath at citizenship ceremonies. The ban was unequivocally interpreted by the press to be targeting veil-wearing Muslim women. This paper analyzes newspaper coverage in the month following the announcement of the policy. It argues that most commentators conceptualized citizenship to be a neoliberal tool of rescuing veiled Muslim women from their male oppressors and making them more like the equal/neoliberal “us” and/or as a reward for those who already are or will become equal/neoliberal. Most non-Muslim commentators constructed gender oppression as the reason for which veiled women should (not) become citizens. Gender equality in Canada was represented as a key national value and inequality was erased or minimized and presented as a Muslim problem. In attempting to deflect these arguments, most Muslim commentators silenced gender inequality among Muslims by arguing that veiled Muslim women choose the practice and by relegating gender oppression to Western societies, thereby constructing veiled Muslim women as ideal neoliberal subjects worthy of Canadian citizenship. 


This volume reframes the debate around Islam and women’s rights within a broader comparative literature. It examines the complex and contingent historical relationships between religion, secularism, democracy, law, and gender equality. Part I addresses the nexus of religion, law, gender, and democracy through different disciplinary perspectives (sociology, anthropology, political science, law). Part II localizes the implementation of this nexus between law, gender, and democracy, and provides contextualized responses to questions raised in Part I. The contributors explore the situation of Muslim women’s rights vis-à-vis human rights to shed light on gender politics in the modernization of the nation and to ponder over the role of Islam in gender inequality across different Muslim countries.


LITERA ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sri Harti Widyastuti

This study aims to describe Javanese women’s personality in the perspective of feminism and gender equality and inequality in Serat Suluk Residriya and Serat Wulang Putri. It employed the qualitative research design and modern philology. The findings are as follows. Javanese women’s personality in Serat Suluk Residriya includes their images. Gender inequality in Serat Suluk Residriya includes subordination, woman stereotype, rights to use but not to possess, women as sexual objects, and polygamy. Gender inequality in Serat Wulang Putri shows that women must have a lot of children. Gender equality in Sera Wulang Putrishows that men and women have equal rights to be ascetic, knowledgeable, skillful, brave and great, and wealthy.


Author(s):  
Safak Oz Aktepe

In this chapter, the author aims to present, through a review of literature, that the gender equality assumption of the human resource management (HRM) approach is not taken for granted. It seems there exist two sides of the same coin, one representing the HRM approach and the other representing the gendered approach to HRM practices. This chapter reviews HRM practices in work organizations as the potential facilitator of gender inequalities in organizations. In addition, the contentious function of HRM practices in maintaining gender inequalities within work organizations is reviewed. In spite of knowing the implication of HRM practices on being a gender-diverse organization, there remain few studies on the relationship between HRM practices and gender inequality in work organizations. Such research will add a different perspective to HRM practices and contribute to the awareness related to the gendered nature of organizations and their organizational practices.


2007 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Holly Randell-Moon

In 2005 and 2006 members of the John Howard led Coalition Government, including the Prime Minster and Federal Treasurer Peter Costello, questioned whether Muslim dress, such as the hijab, conformed with ‘mainstream’ Australian standards of secularism and gender equality. In doing so, Howard and Costello used a feminist-sounding language to critique aspects of Islam for purportedly restricting the freedom and autonomy of Muslim women. I argue that race is implicated in the construction of Islam as a “threat” to secularism and gender equality because an unnamed assumption of the Australian ‘mainstream’ as Anglo-Celtic and white informs the standards of normalcy the Government invokes and constructs Islam as a ‘foreign’ religion. Further, whilst the demand for Muslim women to conform with ‘mainstream’ norms potentially contradicts the Government’s commitment to women’s autonomy, such a contradiction is not peculiar to the Howard Government. Using the work of Jean-Luc Nancy and Stewart Motha, I place the ‘hijab debates’ within the tension in liberal democracies between fostering autonomy and requiring a universal civil law to guarantee (but exist above) individual autonomy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 166-190
Author(s):  
Katalin Tardos ◽  
Veronika Paksi

Understanding the impact of various diversity management (DM) practices in terms of their effectiveness in achieving desired outcomes within the organisation is a prevalent research gap in the general DM literature and the new stream of literature on DM in the research, development, and innovation (RDI) sector. Therefore, this article reviews the literature on gender diversity practices in RDI workplaces and how DM contributes to gender equality outcomes. For this purpose, we introduced a conceptual framework to demonstrate the interrelatedness of the forms and reasons for gender inequality, and the choice of DM practices and their outcomes. Moreover, we compiled an extensive list of DM practices for practitioners related to how to address the different forms and underlying reasons for gender inequality. Finally, by comparing the literature on DM outcomes in the business and the RDI sector, we concluded that research on measuring the outcomes of DM practices was less developed for RDI organisations, but gaps of knowledge on the outcomes of DM practices prevailed in both sectors. Organisational contexts in which specific diversity practices were implemented had a significant role in determining their effectiveness,highlighting the relevance of the institutionalist theory.


PLoS ONE ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. e0249459
Author(s):  
Hayk Amirkhanyan ◽  
Michał Wiktor Krawczyk ◽  
Maciej Wilamowski

Using a large dataset of marathon runners, we estimate country- and gender-specific proxies for overconfidence. Subsequently, we correlate them with a number of indices, including various measures of gender equality. We find that in less gender-equal countries both males and females tend to be more self-confident than in more equal countries. While a substantial gender gap in overconfidence is observed, it only correlates with some sub-indices of gender equality. We conclude that there is likely a weak relationship between OC gender gap and gender inequality.


Author(s):  
Mikela Lundahl Hero

Abstract This chapter addresses Islamophobia as it is expressed in and through discourses of feminism and gender inequality, in some recent debates about public appearances of Muslims in Sweden. In debates about whether or not we should open for a few hours of women only in the public swimming pools debaters use feminist arguments on equality, some writers argue that such an act would risk that Sweden turned into a ‘medieval’ situation, or becomes a version of Iran. Liberal debaters, who clearly restrict their liberalism to westernised individuals and practices, build these arguments upon a rationale of feminism and gender equality. How can we protect the feminist discourse from being used in Islamophobic contexts as these? In this chapter I argue that feminism has to strengthen its articulations of its critique against universalism, and white, western, secular, middle-class (as well as hetero- and cis-) values, if it wants to be relevant in a globalised world.


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