scholarly journals Public Intimacy and ‘White Feminism’: On the Vain Trust in Scandinavian Equality

Author(s):  
Mikela Lundahl Hero

Abstract This chapter addresses Islamophobia as it is expressed in and through discourses of feminism and gender inequality, in some recent debates about public appearances of Muslims in Sweden. In debates about whether or not we should open for a few hours of women only in the public swimming pools debaters use feminist arguments on equality, some writers argue that such an act would risk that Sweden turned into a ‘medieval’ situation, or becomes a version of Iran. Liberal debaters, who clearly restrict their liberalism to westernised individuals and practices, build these arguments upon a rationale of feminism and gender equality. How can we protect the feminist discourse from being used in Islamophobic contexts as these? In this chapter I argue that feminism has to strengthen its articulations of its critique against universalism, and white, western, secular, middle-class (as well as hetero- and cis-) values, if it wants to be relevant in a globalised world.

2008 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 112
Author(s):  
M. Fauzan Zenrif

<p class="Bodytext20"><span lang="IN">Feminist discourse is always actual, inexhaustible and not tired of being discussed. When we are saturated with the problem of emancipation, then we speak feminism and gender equality, even now being warmly discussed the issue of violence against women. This paper discusses the truth of the Qur'anic concept of the potential of female violence supported by various social facts. Nowadays women's violence is much faster than men do. The crime of women is not only murder, robbery, mistreatment, demolition and theft, mugging, pickling and burning of houses, but also rape with violence. Therefore, it is necessary to reconstruct the concept of women's empowerment that can eliminate, or at least minimize the possibility of polarization of women violence. This is because clearly in Indonesia the phenomenon of women's violence, both in the family and the public, the more transparent. In the view of the Qur'an, violence to anyone, any gender, and to any group, is not justified and contrary to humanitarian values</span></p><p class="Bodytext20"><span lang="IN"> </span></p><p class="Bodytext20">Diskursus keperempuanan memang selalu aktual, tak habis- habisnya dan tak bosan-bosannya dididiskusikan. <span lang="IN">K</span>etika kita jenuh dengan masalah emansipasi, kemudian kita berbicara feminisme dan kesataraan jender, sekarangpun sedang hangat didiskusikan masalah kekerasan terhadap perempuan.<span lang="IN"> Tulisan ini membahas k</span>ebenaran konsep al-Qur’an tentang potensi kekerasan perempuan <span lang="IN">yang </span>didukung fakta sosial <span lang="IN">yang beragam. Dewasa ini kekerasan yang dilakukan oleh perempuan jauh lebih cepat meningkat dibandingkan yang dilakukan oleh laki-laki. Kriminalitas perempuan tersebut tidak hanya pembunuhan, perampokan, penganiayaan, pembongkaran dan pencurian, penjambretan, pencopetan dan pembakaran rumah, tapi juga perkosaan disertai kekerasan. Untuk itu perlu rekonstruksi konsep pemberdayaan perempuan yang dapat menghilangkan, atau setidaknya meminimalisir kemungkinan terjadinya polarisasi kekerasan perempuan. Hal ini karena </span>jelas di Indonesia fenomena kekerasan perempuan, baik dalam keluarga maupun publik, semakin transparan. <span lang="IN">D</span>alam pandangan al-Qur’an, kekerasan pada siapapun, jenis kelamin apapun, dan pada kelompok manapun, tidak dibenarkan dan bertentangan dengan nilai-nilai kemanusiaan</p>


This volume reframes the debate around Islam and women’s rights within a broader comparative literature. It examines the complex and contingent historical relationships between religion, secularism, democracy, law, and gender equality. Part I addresses the nexus of religion, law, gender, and democracy through different disciplinary perspectives (sociology, anthropology, political science, law). Part II localizes the implementation of this nexus between law, gender, and democracy, and provides contextualized responses to questions raised in Part I. The contributors explore the situation of Muslim women’s rights vis-à-vis human rights to shed light on gender politics in the modernization of the nation and to ponder over the role of Islam in gender inequality across different Muslim countries.


LITERA ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sri Harti Widyastuti

This study aims to describe Javanese women’s personality in the perspective of feminism and gender equality and inequality in Serat Suluk Residriya and Serat Wulang Putri. It employed the qualitative research design and modern philology. The findings are as follows. Javanese women’s personality in Serat Suluk Residriya includes their images. Gender inequality in Serat Suluk Residriya includes subordination, woman stereotype, rights to use but not to possess, women as sexual objects, and polygamy. Gender inequality in Serat Wulang Putri shows that women must have a lot of children. Gender equality in Sera Wulang Putrishows that men and women have equal rights to be ascetic, knowledgeable, skillful, brave and great, and wealthy.


Author(s):  
Safak Oz Aktepe

In this chapter, the author aims to present, through a review of literature, that the gender equality assumption of the human resource management (HRM) approach is not taken for granted. It seems there exist two sides of the same coin, one representing the HRM approach and the other representing the gendered approach to HRM practices. This chapter reviews HRM practices in work organizations as the potential facilitator of gender inequalities in organizations. In addition, the contentious function of HRM practices in maintaining gender inequalities within work organizations is reviewed. In spite of knowing the implication of HRM practices on being a gender-diverse organization, there remain few studies on the relationship between HRM practices and gender inequality in work organizations. Such research will add a different perspective to HRM practices and contribute to the awareness related to the gendered nature of organizations and their organizational practices.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (5) ◽  
pp. 627-639
Author(s):  
Lise Widding Isaksen ◽  
Mariya Bikova

This article explores the complexities and ambiguities in Norwegian families’ interaction with the public childcare system. Public childcare is a cornerstone in the ‘double dividend’, that is, social policies that equalize children’s life chances and support gender equality. The dual earner/dual carer family model interacts with full-time participation in the labour market, gender equality at home and universal access to childcare, and has made contemporary childhood multi-local and mobile. As part of their everyday organization of care, parents have to establish connections between home, work and childcare. Here, we use the concept of ‘care loops’ to analyse how local families ‘do’ combinations of welfare services, family resources, gender ideologies and the labour of migrant care workers. Drawing on empirical research on migrant care workers in Norwegian families and discussing recent studies of majority families’ care practices, the article discusses the paradox that egalitarian norms and ideals might generate extra workloads that in turn create demands for migrant care workers and trigger geopolitical inequality.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 166-190
Author(s):  
Katalin Tardos ◽  
Veronika Paksi

Understanding the impact of various diversity management (DM) practices in terms of their effectiveness in achieving desired outcomes within the organisation is a prevalent research gap in the general DM literature and the new stream of literature on DM in the research, development, and innovation (RDI) sector. Therefore, this article reviews the literature on gender diversity practices in RDI workplaces and how DM contributes to gender equality outcomes. For this purpose, we introduced a conceptual framework to demonstrate the interrelatedness of the forms and reasons for gender inequality, and the choice of DM practices and their outcomes. Moreover, we compiled an extensive list of DM practices for practitioners related to how to address the different forms and underlying reasons for gender inequality. Finally, by comparing the literature on DM outcomes in the business and the RDI sector, we concluded that research on measuring the outcomes of DM practices was less developed for RDI organisations, but gaps of knowledge on the outcomes of DM practices prevailed in both sectors. Organisational contexts in which specific diversity practices were implemented had a significant role in determining their effectiveness,highlighting the relevance of the institutionalist theory.


2021 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-131
Author(s):  
Kate Farhall ◽  
Niki Vincent

The state, in particular through its ability to enact legislation, has the capacity to either perpetuate or confront forms of systemic and structural disadvantage and inequality. Increasingly, transparency is being seen as key to designing effective equality law, and the ambitious new Gender Equality Act 2020 (Vic) (The Act) is a leading example. The Act seeks to break down outdated stereotypes and systemic inequalities—particularly those that relate to gender. Central to the design of the Act is its commitment to transparency. The Act mandates a level of organisational transparency about the advancement of gender equality that has not previously been required in the public sector in Victoria, or in the rest of Australia. This transparency underpins the ambitious objectives of the Act and is integral to the obligations it puts in place to drive progress towards gender equality. A focus on transparency serves four main purposes in accelerating the pace of change towards a more gender-equal society and providing leadership in this arena. Firstly, it functions as a practical tool to encourage knowledge-sharing and innovation along the path to gender equality. Secondly, transparent reporting of defined entities’ progress towards gender equality acts as a form of pressure to make material progress, instead of participating in box-ticking exercises. Thirdly, the transparency within the Act is a marker of ethical leadership, by democratising knowledge in this space. Lastly, a commitment to transparency is a sign of good governance; it both allows the public to access and interrogate public sector progress towards gender equality and ensures that government plays a leadership role in pushing for positive social change. The Gender Equality Act 2020 (Vic) is thus an example of how laying bares our challenges related to organisational gender equality can help drive progress towards a more gender-equal future.


PLoS ONE ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. e0249459
Author(s):  
Hayk Amirkhanyan ◽  
Michał Wiktor Krawczyk ◽  
Maciej Wilamowski

Using a large dataset of marathon runners, we estimate country- and gender-specific proxies for overconfidence. Subsequently, we correlate them with a number of indices, including various measures of gender equality. We find that in less gender-equal countries both males and females tend to be more self-confident than in more equal countries. While a substantial gender gap in overconfidence is observed, it only correlates with some sub-indices of gender equality. We conclude that there is likely a weak relationship between OC gender gap and gender inequality.


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