scholarly journals THE UPCOMING PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS OF 2018 IN THE REPUBLIC OF MADAGASCAR: POLITICAL ANALYSIS AND FORECASTS

2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-192
Author(s):  
Andriamaharinjaka ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 63-84
Author(s):  
Piotr Chrobak

Western Pomerania was said to be called as a stronghold of the left, for the Democratic Left Alliance both in the 1990s and at the beginning of the 21st century achieved some of the best results in the country. Only after the parliamentary and presidential elections in 2005 and the local government elections in 2006, the electoral preferences changed towards the center of the political scene. The Civic Platform of the Republic of Poland turned out to be the change, Law and Justice to a lesser extent. The article presents a political analysis of the voting preferences of the inhabitants of West Pomerania in the local government elections with regard to the three mentioned parties. The aim of the research was to analyze the direction in which the electorate goes. It was checked whether the SLD was permanently eliminated and how strong the dominance of the PO was. Furthermore it was examined whether PiS is a real threat to the PO RP and whether the SLD has a chance to regain its lost position. It seems that regardless of the attempts made, the position of the SLD after the 2006 elections is stable and there are no indications that the Alliance could dominate the analyzed region again. However, in spite of the fact that since 2006 the PO enjoys high support, since 2014 PiS has been achieving better and better results, depriving the PO RP hegemon in its position in 2006–2014.


2018 ◽  
pp. 139-168
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Bozhko

The article describes the reminiscences of Oleksnadr Bozhko, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Ukraine to Armenia. Having arrived to Yerevan as the first Ambassador of independent Ukraine, the author became a witness to the events that initially led to a long-lasting political crisis, and subsequently to the unconstitutional change of Armenian government. The article analyses the tumultuous events that Ukrainian Embassy faced immediately after its opening in September 1996. At that time, the Armenian society, which for years had been patiently overcoming numerous abuses of power, the arbitrariness of oligarchs, bureaucratic corruption and bribery at courts, broke out with a riot of peaceful disobedience. It was the time when the reminiscences of the fierce Armenian-Azerbaijani War for Nagorno-Karabakh of 1991–1994 were still in minds of people when society had been drawn into an exhaustible internal political confrontation on the eve of the presidential elections. The more electoral confrontation grew, the more dissatisfying was the population with the leadership of the state. Eventually the state of emergency was introduced in the country. These factors affected further activities of Ukrainian diplomats. It was important to quickly find premises suitable for a diplomatic mission and to carry out the diplomatic procedures necessary for the launch of Embassy’s activities. The author states with sorrow that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Armenia did not even find money to fuel a car and bring Ukrainian delegation to Yerevan. Shattered roads that have long been unrepaired, queues near bakeries and kerosene selling points, semi-empty store shelves and even faded eyes of those, with whom the author communicated, – those were sad realities of the Armenian life in the mid-nineties. The formation of the diplomatic services in both countries was carried out under difficult conditions, likewise the maintenance of diplomats’ activity in Ukraine was similarly poor then. The article also describes that the stumbling point in Ukrainian-Armenian relations was an issue of Nagorno-Karabakh. The principle of territorial integrity was one of the fundamental in security sphere of Ukraine, whereas Armenia, which acted as guarantor of Nagorno-Karabakh security, adhered to the principle of self-determination of the nation. In this respect, Armenian politicians considered everything related to the Nagorno-Karabakh issue. This dramatic problem was originated from 1921, when Nagorno-Karabakh was included to the Azerbaijani SSR. The policy of displacing the Armenians from their ancestral lands, which was deliberately carried out by the authorities of Soviet Azerbaijan, caused frustration of Armenians, dozens of thousands of whom had lived in that territory for centuries. The author analyses the cooperation with the Directorate for Political Analysis and Planning of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine regarding the defining Ukraine’s possible position in the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict. The author emphasizes that the article is not just a diplomatic memoirs but also an attempt to comprehend what has happened to us over the past two decades, looking back at the past experience. Keywords: Armenia, Embassy of Ukraine, Nagorno-Karabakh, Ukrainian-Armenian relations.


Author(s):  
E. Ionova

The main result of the presidential elections in Uzbekistan held on October 24, 2021 was that President Sh. Mirziyoyev received a mandate to further implement his economic and political course which provisions were set out in his election program. In the elections opponents of the president, representing in general pro-government parties, were unable to provide an effective alternative to the president's program, which, moreover, accumulated many of their proposals. In the next five years, the republic which economy is the fastest growing in Central Asia will face further economic reforms. Their effect will largely depend on the objective conditions associated primarily with the pandemic. The social program of the president, if it is actually implemented, can help smooth out the negative consequences of market reforms. Mirziyoyev’s foreign policy reflected new geopolitical landmarks of the Central Asian countries, including Afghanistan and Turkey. At the same time, the development of relations between Uzbekistan and Russia is increasing, indicating the desire of Tashkent under the leadership of Mirziyoyev to maintain balance in relations with leading foreign policy players. As a result, it can be stated that today the President of Uzbekistan has strong positions both within the country and abroad.


2013 ◽  
pp. 13-22
Author(s):  
Vincent Duclert

The recent presidential elections in 2012 have shown that left-right cleavage was still dominant in France. The redistribution of political forces, strongly awaited by the center (but also by the extremes) did not take place. At the same time, the major issues, such the European unification, the future of the nation, the future of the Republic, the role of the state, continue to cross left and right fields, revealing other cleavages that meet other historical or philosophical contingencies. However, the left-right opposition in France structured contemporary political life, organizing political families, determining the meaning and practice of institutions. Thence, the question is to understand what defines these two political fields and what history brings to their knowledge since the French Revolution, or they are implemented


2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-141
Author(s):  
А.М. Amirzhanova ◽  
◽  

The article provides a comparative analysis of the evolution features of the formation and development of representational bodies through the institution of elections, which is one of the most important and urgent issues in the context of democratization in modern Kazakhstan. The main purpose of the scientific article is to analyze the elections in the formation of representative authority in Kazakhstan from the standpoint of political science. This is related to the fact that the electoral process in the country is developing in accordance with the democratic regime, undergoing legislative reforms and difficulties in improving. Thus, the article examines the issues of the evolutionary development of elections by the methods of comparative analysis, cross-temporal comparison, and identifies the features of development. Also, the structure of a representative government formed on the basis of elections in independent Kazakhstan, the peculiarities of the participation of the electorate in elections, the proportion of women in the Mazhilis, the number of parties, and the average age were compared. Elections are one of the main indicators in the formation of representative power.


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia Rangel ◽  
Eneida Vinhaes Dultra

In October 2018, Brazil held general elections in which new senators, federal representatives, state representatives, governors, and the new president of the republic were chosen. The singularity of the context surrounding the elections is evident: the call occurred two years after a presidential impeachment linked to a state coup which consolidated the ascent of populist forces from the right and which initiated a series of regressions in social rights, criminalization of progressive activism, and increase of police violence. As a result, in the presidential elections, populist candidates and discourses of hate became popular, targeting historically marginalized social groups within the country (women, African-Brazilians, LGBTQIs – Lesbians, Gays, Bisexuals, Transgenders, Queers, Intersex – working class, rural communities, and the indigenous populations). This essay examines the presidential proposals or positions towards the aforementioned groups, paying particular attention to speeches of right-populist candidates, especially those made by Jair Bolsonaro, chosen in a runoff election.


ICL Journal ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Pavel Molek

AbstractThe article describes the reasons for the constitutional amendment to the Czech Constitution turning the traditional indirect elections of the President of the Republic into direct popular vote. It analyses the shortcomings of the constitutional amendment as well as of the Act on Presidential Elections. In the two parts that follow, it addresses the two main problems of the presidential elections: the registration of the candidates and the elec­tion campaign, and analyses the milestone decisions of the Supreme Administrative Court regarding these two questions. Finally, the author reflects the first year of presidency of Miloš Zeman and his questionable attempts to broaden the scope of presidential competences by innovative interpretation of the Czech Constitution.


Author(s):  
Anton KRUTIKOV

For decades, the historical policy in the Republic of Belarus was widely used by the power elites to create new objects of historical memory, new national myths and cultural symbols consolidating the society. Frequent change of historical paradigms, situativity of the Belarusian leadership’s historical policy greatly contributed to the accumulation of crisis potential. After the presidential elections in 2020, the political and cultural schism that had been developing within the society of post-Soviet Belarus for years changed its localization and spread to streets and squares instead of round tables and scientific conferences.


Author(s):  
M. A. Muqtedar Khan ◽  
Reid T. Smith ◽  
Onur Tanay

New forms of information technologies are revolutionizing politics in the Muslim World. This article presents political analysis of the complex global and historical socio-cultural impact of new media specifically social media by exploring two cases, i.e., the green movement during the Iranian presidential elections during 2009 and al-Qaeda’s radicalism in the virtual world. The analysis finds that Islam and Muslim societies are compatible with new forms of information technologies and that the difference between real and virtual is blurring in the modern Muslim World.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document