scholarly journals UIN: STUDI ISLAM DAN ARAH BARU ISLAM INDONESIA

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 298
Author(s):  
Hasbiyallah Hasbiyallah ◽  
Moh. Sulhan ◽  
Heri Khoiruddin ◽  
Undang Burhanudin

Islam as a religion has actually become the target of study not only by Muslims but also by non-Muslims for diverse purposes and interests with various approaches. Indonesian Islamic Studies conducted by Dutch scholars and Orientalists are mostly intended for political and policy purposes related to the fate of Muslim-majority male citizens. Islamic dynamics revealed more progressive dynamics in the 1960s and 70s when institutionally the Ministry of Religion of the Republic of Indonesia released the State Islamic Religious College (PTKIN) with the form of an Institute that developed religious scientific disciplines in the form of various faculties. From this, a variant of State Islamic University (UIN) developed with the development of study areas outside the religious. The fundamental problem that is the focus of this research relates to PTKIN's Islamic facial dynamics in the context of changes to the State Islamic University (UIN), especially Islamic studies and the new direction of Indonesian Islam which is becoming a new force at the State Islamic University (UIN). Specifically, this study aims to understand the trends and challenges of Islam in PTKIN in the future, and the Islamic thinking map of PTKIN in the new face of UIN which includes UIN SGD Bandung, UIN SUKA Yogyakarta and UIN Ar-Raniry Aceh.

2021 ◽  
Vol 1(162) ◽  
pp. 127-145
Author(s):  
Piotr Uziębło

The problems raised in the doctrine of constitutional law related to the implementation of a decision taken in a referendum in matters of particular importance to the state, as well as the generally marginal use of the institution of popular vote in the constitutional prac-tice, give rise to reflection on the introduction of the institution of a referendum law into the Polish constitutional system. In this article the author considers the advantages and disadvantages of such a solution, analyzing at the same time contemporary normative regulations concerning such acts in other countries. The research leads to the conclusion that despite the risks involved, the refer-endum law should appear in the Polish constitutional system in the future, as it would not only give a chance for a more complete reflection of the will of the collective subject of sovereignty without the necessity of its decoding by the parliament, but it could also be an impulse for the development of the referendum practice in the Republic of Poland. However, it is important to introduce proce-dural barriers that will prevent depreciation of this institution.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 98-99
Author(s):  
Vyacheslav Bobkov

The author overviews the International economic Forum held in the Republic of Poland in 2019 dedicated to the future of Europe. The topics of the discussions are presented and the participation of Russian representatives analyzed, the contents of the two discussion panels «The Crisis of the middle classes: transformation or erosion?» and «Fast, cheap and substandard-the state of modern human resources» being given in detail.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (11) ◽  
pp. 365-384
Author(s):  
Filiz SÖNMEZ ◽  
Hatice DOĞAN ◽  
Okan KARAKAŞ

Mahalle is a place name derived from the Arabic roots halel and hulul, meaning “to land, to settle down” (Turkish Dictionary, 1998). In addition to the residential structures within a neighborhood, it has a mosque, primary school, fountain, baths, a grocery store, bakery, parks, etc. It is the smallest settlement in a city. On the other hand, socially a neighborhood refers to a community that is placed somewhere and has organizational relationships. The neighborhood phenomenon is one of the most important legacies that continue from the Ottoman Empire to the Republic. During the Republican period, many new neighborhoods have also been established, often formed by adhering to a plan. In this study, the formation of Fevzi Çakmak neighborhood, one of the neighborhoods designed according to the Kayseri ARU-Oelsner (1945) zoning plan, and the change that the neighborhood has undergone from the past to the present will be examined. According to the data obtained, the aim of the Kayseri ARU-Oelsner zoning plan is to contribute to the Urban Transformation Project of Fevzi Çakmak neighborhood, which will be planned by the local government in the future. Literature and field studies, document analysis and oral history studies will be used as methods in the study. In this context, maps belonging to the neighborhood, zoning plans, Kayseri Metropolitan Municipality and Kocasinan Municipality archive records and old photographs will be provided. The Fevzi Çakmak neighborhood, which was built in the 1960s, has a grid plan type and is one of the modern neighborhoods that have contributed to the development of the city in an east direction. A city analysis will be carried out in historical continuity from the establishment of Fevzi Çakmak neighborhood to the present day. It is believed that detecting interventions in significant areas of change/transformation of the neighborhood will make significant contributions to the future urban transformation project. Accordingly, it is proposed that the analysis to be conducted in the neighborhood be evaluated within a theoretical framework which is known in Urban Planning as “we-zoning and Hoyt classification”. Accordingly, the areas identified in the neighborhood in the present study will be evaluated within the scope of “protection”, “correction” (improvement) and “renewal” strategies. It is expected that this work, carried out in the Kayseri Fevzi Çakmak neighborhood, will contribute to urban planning and transformation projects and architectural discussions throughout the country.


In recent years, there has been a dramatic decrease in the sale of new automobiles on the market of the Republic of Croatia. When considering certain periods, the sale reached its peak in 2008, with 88,265 vehicles sold. In 2013, the sale was reduced by 68.5%, and 27,802 vehicles were sold. 2014 and 2015 saw a slight recovery with 35,715 vehicles sold. This increase was related to the fact that the state, through certain ministries, bought new automobiles and thus made 20% of the above-mentioned number. Devastation in the market of new automobiles was accompanied by an increase in the sale of used vehicles, both in the country (which was caused by the fact that vehicle lease agreements of the State Administration expired, replaced by the above-mentioned share in the sales of new vehicles) and from abroad. This caused an increase in the average vehicle age in the Republic of Croatia. Consequently, the secondary market for automotive parts has been experiencing organic growth at high rates, thus determining obvious propulsiveness. The five largest companies in the secondary market for automotive parts in the Republic of Croatia generate annual revenue of HRK 1,253,655,892 (EUR 166423) through wholesale and retail. As the result of these sales methods, we have a very diverse client base in all the major companies on the market with the fundamental problem of credit risk, mainly due to the fact that the highest percentage of revenue is generated through operations with automobile repair workshops, whose balance sheet indicators are extremely poor. In such circumstances, it is essential to use a more serious approach to the problem of determining clients’ creditworthiness, as the basis for better liquidity. This paper presents a model for the assessment of clients’ creditworthiness, as a possible solution to the problem of illiquidity in the Croatian secondary market for automotive parts. The model provides for the establishment of the client base, with a combination of elements of qualitative analysis and financial and quantitative analysis to assess credit risk, as well as continuous monitoring of the base. By applying this model, the credit risk of every client, as the fundamental cause of illiquidity in this sector, would be noticed on time and measures for its reduction would be taken.


2013 ◽  
pp. 13-22
Author(s):  
Vincent Duclert

The recent presidential elections in 2012 have shown that left-right cleavage was still dominant in France. The redistribution of political forces, strongly awaited by the center (but also by the extremes) did not take place. At the same time, the major issues, such the European unification, the future of the nation, the future of the Republic, the role of the state, continue to cross left and right fields, revealing other cleavages that meet other historical or philosophical contingencies. However, the left-right opposition in France structured contemporary political life, organizing political families, determining the meaning and practice of institutions. Thence, the question is to understand what defines these two political fields and what history brings to their knowledge since the French Revolution, or they are implemented


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020/1 ◽  
pp. 141-163
Author(s):  
Mindaugas Pocius

The research, which is based on the documents of the anti-Soviet resistance of 1944–1953, makes an attempt at reconstructing the freedom fighters’ vision of independent Lithuania and analyses the image of the planned (projected) political and socio-economic model of the state, its underlying elements and principles, the evolution and context of the partisans’ political thought. Reflecting on inter-war Lithuania, life therein, resistance against the Soviets and the fierce struggle and sufferings of that time, the partisans sacredly believed in the restoration of independence and had a clear vision of the future state. The critical attitude of those who participated in the resistance towards Lithuania’s statehood had a great impact on the underlying elements of the said vision. In the partisans’ experience and understanding, social exclusion and public distrust of government institutions were among the most acute problems of the Republic of Lithuania which, in their conviction, caused the catastrophic crisis of the state and the society that resulted in the loss of independence in 1940. Leaders of the underground movement were fully aware of the ills and failures of the past and thus constructed an ideal, a dream of a comprehensively stronger and affluent state, democratic regime and fairer governance of the country. The partisans’ vision of a modern independent Lithuanian state was developed under the influence of the political thought of the rural intelligentsia, thus reflecting the outlook of an ordinary peasant farmer and akin attitudes of rural intellectuals. Realising that Lithuania existed on the divide between the Western and Eastern civilizations, partisan leaders made every attempt to emphasize their western identity and mentality, identified and positioned themselves as the outpost of Western civilization and European culture. Participants of the resistance movement followed basically social democratic, Christian ideals and values and sought to restore a modern democratic parliamentary republic free of social exclusion where social justice and solidarity would be the predominant components of state regulation. In summary, it can be stated that the present-day socio-economic model of the Nordic welfare state (that of Denmark, Norway, Sweden or Finland), which in its core is rather socialistic, is for the most part in line with the freedom fighters’ vision of the future state and was considered by them the most acceptable. Although present-day Lithuania does not fully satisfy their vision, Lithuanian resistance fighters expressed the eternal strive of people and nations for freedom, material and spiritual wellbeing and social justice.


1996 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ümit Cizre Sakallıoğlu

The role of conflict has been integral to the state and nation formation in Turkey since the inception of the Republic in 1923. Faced with the twin tasks of democratic legitimacy and maintaining control, or security and civil-centered politics, the state has historically opted for authority and control. Ironically enough, while Republican politics has emphasized unity and uniformity to limit diversity and conflict caused by class, ethnicity and Islam, the result has been the opposite. So much so that the present conflict between the state and the Kurdish Workers' Party (PKK), which has cost nearly fourteen thousand lives since 1984, has reached an abysmal point: “in the end Turkey's victory may be a Pyrrhic one. If the conflict continues without exploration of other avenues, it will most likely jeopardize Turkey's relations with Europe and the United States” (Brown 1995, p. 128). Moreover, it has become increasingly clear that Kurdish nationalism is not just a simple expression of discontent and opposition but also a challenge to the very premises on which the Turkish nation-state has been built. In that sense, the resolution of the Kurdish “problem” is of concern not only to the Kurdish population of the Republic, but involves the future shape and substance of the Turkish state and society in their entirety as well.


AN-NISA ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 372-383
Author(s):  
Ismail Aris

This article shows that the constitution or the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia can not be regarded as children's constitution which adopts the principles of child protection under the Convention on the Rights of the Child. It also shows that Indonesia is not serious about the theme of child protection discourse such as Ecuador, Egypt, Finland and South Africa in protecting, fulfilling and respecting and explicitly specifying the rights of children in its constitution. Based on the argument above, it is very urgent for Indonesia to do constitutionalism the rights of the child. Based on the principles that adopted by the convention on the right of the child as a solution as an effort to save and protect the rights of the child from negligence and neglect of the State to protect and fulfill the human rights and constitutional rights of the child. The effort of constitutionalism is also considered as a strengthening effort in the formation of legislation in the future as well as the basis or test stone of the Constitutional Court in handling the future judicial review of the Law which violates the norm on the protection of children's rights under the Constitution. In addition, it is urgent for constitutionalism and incorporates the idea of constitutional complaints in the Constitutional Court through the Constitution. Thus, as a basis for constitutional protection of the child if the State has neglect to protect the human rights and constitutional rights of the child by conducting constitutional complaint in the Constitutional Court, in order for the State to fulfill its constitutional obligations which have been regulated under the constitution.


Author(s):  
Guy Bouchard

As Michel Foucault describes it, the homosexual paideia in classical Greece was an erotic bonding between a boy who had to learn how to become a man, and a mature man who paid court to him. In many of his dialogues, Plato plays with this scheme: he retains the erotic atmosphere, but he inverts and purifies the whole process in the name of virtue and wisdom. In the Republic, however, Socrates' pupil forsakes this model in favor of a bisexual education for the shepherds and shepherdesses of the State. Aristotle resolutely opposes this move. He thus reverts to a kind of homosexual paideia for the future citizens of his ideal state, but this choice fosters many unspoken problems.


2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 623-635
Author(s):  
Max Skjönsberg

The ‘Scottish Enlightenment’ has fostered a steadily growing academic industry since Duncan Forbes and Hugh Trevor-Roper put the subject on the map in the 1960s. David Hume and Adam Smith have from the start been widely considered as its leading thinkers, and their thoughts on politics have attracted an increasing amount of attention in recent years. Two new publications invite readers to reflect on the state of the art in Scottish Enlightenment studies in general, and especially Hume and Smith scholarship. Christopher Berry’s Essays on Hume, Smith and the Scottish Enlightenment collects many of Berry’s pathbreaking essays from a career spanning over 40 years . The Infidel and the Professor by Dennis Rasmussen is astonishingly the first book-length treatment of the private and philosophical friendship between Hume and Smith. Both publications reflect how much Scottish Enlightenment studies have expanded since the 1960s, and the sustained interest in Hume and Smith to boot. At the same time, they also raise questions about the future of the field and what remains to be done.


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