The Cultural Revolution, Soviet Mentality, and the Order of Discourse

2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-250

One of the main topics of theoretical discussions following 1968 was raised by Michel Foucault, who argued for the formative role of discourse - that discourse has regulating effects that extend not only to the structure of utterances, but also to speakers themselves. The shift in viewpoint that Foucault accomplished has provided a way to see discourse not only as a medium of power, but as power itself, a power that generates the subjectivity of those who use or gain access to use of a given discourse. Recognizing this power in discourse enabled Foucault to overturn the traditional conception of the individual as the ontological source of speech (“the creative force determining the initial position of writing”) and to redefine it as a function of the utterance itself that guarantees grammatical unity and the conceptual and stylistic cohesion of speech. This analytical perspective is applicable to the historical materials on the debates about the paths and methods of the Soviet cultural revolution that the victorious proletariat should employ in order to shore up the social victory of October 1917. The problems confronting Soviet theoreticians and agents of the cultural revolution had much in common with those that would be conceptualized later on in discussions from the 1970s and 1980s. The form of assimilation of this normative order and the mechanisms of ideological Interpellation, which imply the active involvement of Soviet citizens in production of discourses, are the central topics in this examination as they provide insight into how an idea becomes a material force and how it captures the masses. The immediate object of study is the worker and village correspondent (rabkor and selkor) movement of the 1920s as well as its understanding by theorists of the Left Front of the Arts

Author(s):  
William H. Ma

The art of the Cultural Revolution in China, created during the ten-year period from 1967 to 1977, includes a large variety of visual materials in different media. Generally characterized by unambiguous and heroic images that appealed to the masses, these artworks became powerful tools of political propaganda. Most scholars attribute the beginning of the Cultural Revolution to the 1965 play HaiRui Dismissed from Office. Written by Wu Han, a local Communist official, the play was a thinly veiled critique of Mao Zedong. Though semi-retired in the early 1960s, Mao was determined to hold on to power by launching a new revolution to reawaken young Chinese people and root out the counterrevolutionary and anti-proletarian elements in society. Under Mao’s directive, people, places, and things representing the Four Olds (Old Customs, Old Culture, Old Habits, and Old Ideas) were targeted and violently attacked by young people wearing red armbands and carrying the Little Red Book, a collection of quotes by Mao. Party officials, teachers, professors, authors, and artists had their homes raided and were publically dragged out by the Red Guards for public humiliation. In addition, historical and cultural sites were desecrated and vandalized. While the real violence only lasted the first few years, it set the tone of militarism and revolutionary fervor for the next decade, which permeated through all the arts.


Author(s):  
Richard King

This article includes literature (principally fiction, but also poetry, spoken drama, opera, and popular performances), cultural policy and debate, and the history of the Communist Party’s relations with cultural intellectuals for the years 1942–1976. The starting point is Communist Party chairman Mao Zedong’s “Talks at the Yan’an Forum on Literature and Art,” delivered in May 1942, when China was politically divided and at war with Japan, and the period ends with Mao’s death in September 1976, an event closely followed by the arrest of his widow and her closest associates in a coup the following month. Mao’s “Talks” set the tone for the entire period, demanding the subordination of the arts to the Party’s mission as currently defined, and insisting that culture serve the Party’s constituency of “workers, peasants, and soldiers.” The “Talks,” variously interpreted, remained Party policy through the civil war period (1945–1949), and following the establishment of the People’s Republic in 1949. The new communist state established a Soviet Union–style cultural bureaucracy, and the most fortunate writers, performers, and artists were rewarded with official recognition and state sponsorship; also imported from the Soviet Union was the doctrine of socialist realism, with its requirement for loyalist and heroic works celebrating the nation’s prospective progress along the road to the glorious future of communism. Throughout the Mao era, the authorities sought to sponsor a new socialist Chinese culture, with varying degrees of tolerance for indigenous traditions and Western influence. The Communist Party and its leader believed in the power of the arts to support, and in the wrong hands to undermine, the cause of socialism; Mao intervened periodically in cultural matters, and many of the political campaigns that disrupted the period had cultural components. The effect of mercurial and often vindictive policy changes on writers and artists could be devastating: the Anti-Rightist campaign of the late 1950s and the Cultural Revolution of Mao’s last decade (1966–1976) saw the persecution of many of the nation’s leading cultural figures; virtually no writer or artist had an uninterrupted career. Chinese cultural histories customarily view the Yan’an and civil war period as distinct, and they divide the period from 1949 to 1976 into the seventeen years before 1966 and the Cultural Revolution decade that followed. Although this periodization overstates the discontinuity of cultural policy and artistic output, it will be observed for convenience here. A note on Romanization: English-language publications from China prior to 1979 use a modified, and inefficient, version of the now little-used Wade-Giles Romanization; after 1979, Chinese publishers converted to the now conventional pinyin Romanization. For Western scholarship or translations, the transition from Wade-Giles (in its more precise form) to pinyin took place at around the same time.


1977 ◽  
Vol 71 ◽  
pp. 591-597 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elisabeth Croll

At the outset of the recent anti-Confucian and Lin Piao campaign it was forecast that this movement would “ surely create still more •r favourable conditions for the emancipation of women.” x To create conditions advantageous to women the campaign set out to identify the obstacles inhibiting the redefinition of the role and status of women, j The identification of problem areas is not a new element in the history of the women's movement, indeed the problems have been stated time and again. The significance of this campaign lies in its concentrated and analytical attempt to integrate the redefinition of the female role with a nation-wide effort to change the self-image and expectations of both men and women. In this it provides a contrast with the strategy of the previous national campaign, the Cultural Revolution. Historically the women's movement has been very much concerned with raising the confidence of women in their own individual and collective abilities and translating the individual experience of suppression into a coherent analysis of oppression, but there is evidence to suggest that there was too little attention given to the position of women in the Cultural Revolution. For instance many associations and enterprises encouraged their members to believe that so long as overall revolutionary aims were fulfilled, there was no need to pay” particular attention to the position of women.2 The recent campaign and its application to practical problems among both men and women is a new recognition that because of their history of oppression it is still necessary to pay special attention to the restraints that continue to hinder the redefinition of women's role and status in society.


1985 ◽  
Vol 104 ◽  
pp. 641-656
Author(s):  
D. E. Pollard

The leadership in literature and the arts that replaced the appointees of the “gang of four” in the late 1970s was formed of the old guard. Their policies were restorationist. They reversed the judgments of the Cultural Revolution, giving approval to all the theories then tarred black, notably “the broad road for realism” (which allowed for artistic diversity), “the deepening of realism” (which meant that not everything needed to be depicted as fine and dandy), and “middle characters” (intended to break the monopoly of proletarian heroes). They interpreted the principle that literature should serve socialism and serve the people relatively liberally. Serving the people meant “the whole people” (a formulation for which Zhou Yang had been condemned); and when the formula of “workers, peasants and soldiers” was repeated, it was pointed out that “workers” included brain workers. The enjoyment principle was also invoked.


1979 ◽  
Vol 77 ◽  
pp. 50-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hong Yung Lee

This paper analyses Mao's revolutionary strategy as revealed in the Cultural Revolution. Defined as an analysis of ends and means, strategy stands between objective reality and action, linking one event to another in a chain of social causation. Since one's attitudes and ideology influence one's definition of the situation and one's selection of means and goals, these subjective elements constitute a large part of any strategy. This study of Mao's strategy therefore raises the following questions: what was Mao's role in the Cultural Revolution; what faults did he attribute to the pre-Cultural Revolution Chinese political system; what were his objectives in the Cultural Revolution; how did he actually lead themovement; and was there any discernible pattern in his leadership?Mao's Role in the Cultural RevolutionThe Cultural Revolution was certainly one of the most complex political events in the entire history of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). It involved a large segmentof the general population and all ruling groups, both the government and the Party, from the Central Committee down to Party branches in the schools and factories. Moreover, a wide varietyof issues were raised, discussed and debated: broad ideological and political questions and more specific questions of economic, cultural and educational policy. To complicate matters further, the mass movement lasted more than two years, passing through a number of different stages. At each stage, new political groups emerged, leading groups changed, and tactics shifted, only to produce a new configuration in the next stage. Each stage, therefore, exhibited its ownunique features in terms of the dominant actors, issues and coalitions, and each stage forced the individual actor to reconsider his choice of tactics and coalition partners.


1973 ◽  
Vol 55 ◽  
pp. 478-510 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Mackerras

The theatrical life of the Chinese in recent years has closely reflected the evolution of Chinese society as a whole since the Cultural Revolution. Although the ninth Party Congress in April 1969 confirmed the success of the Maoist line established in the Cultural Revolution, deciding exactly how to apply that ideological system has not always been easy. Debate has continued in all sections of the community, and is reflected very clearly in the newspapers and media. Amid these debates enough concrete decisions have been reached to begin new cultural activity, largely suspended while the issues were being thrashed out during the Cultural Revolution, and with the passing of time the pace of the revival in the arts has quickened. The resurgence is based on Maoist theory, and it may conseqeuntly be useful to begin with a discussion of how the Chinese are formulating their ideas on what the theatre is all about.


Author(s):  
يونس عبد الله ما تشنغ بين الصيني

الملخّصإن كل ركن من أركان الإسلام يعتبر منهجا متكاملا في أدائه، وما ينتجه من آثاره في تربية المسلم، وتزكيته، وتحقيق سعادته في الدنيا والآخرة. الصلاة في حد ذاتها مدرسة ولها منهج متكامل في تهذيب المسلم، وتحسين حياته، وتحقيق سعادته في الدنيا والآخرة. وكذلك الزكاة في جوهرها ومنهجها في تحقيق سعادة الفرد والمجتمع. يهدف هذا البحث إلى إبراز عظمة الحج وآثاره في من يؤدي شعائره، وما يتبع ذلك من منافع في فهم الإسلام، والعمل به، ودعوة الناس إليه في العالم الذي ينغمس فيه كل فرد في الماديات، وفي إشباع الرغبات الجسدية. والبحث يتكون من مقدمة ومبحثين وخاتمة. وفي إتمام هذا البحث اعتمد الباحث على المنهجين  الوصفي والتحليلي مع التثبت بالصدق والأمانة في سرد المعلومات ومناقشتها. وقد تبين للباحث من خلال ذكر نماذج من العلماء والتجار مدى آثار الحج في نقل الإنسان من الأنانية إلى التضحية والكرم، وانسلاخه من النزعات المادية إلى الصفات الربانية التي تعطي الغذاء للروح والاستقامة في السلوك.الكلمات المفتاحية: الحج، الترسيخ، المسلمون في الصين، الثورة الثقافية، المصلح، التعليم الإسلامي المسجدي. Abstract         Each of the pillars of Islam has its own complete approach for its performance and unique effects that nurture the Muslim who observes its rites. It guides him and contributes to his happiness in this world and in the hereafter. ØolÉh is in itself a complete school for refining Muslims towards improving their life and achieving happiness in this world and the hereafter. ZakÉh is essentially an approach to achieve happiness for the individual and society. This research highlights the greatness of the Hajj and its effects on the pilgrim in addition to its benefits for the understanding of Islam. It is a reminder of the purity of faith in a materialistic world where people are often engaged in the satisfaction of physical desires. It comprises a descriptive analysis of the views of Muslim scholars and traders regarding how Hajj transforms from selfish materialism to self-sacrifice and generosity, whilst nurturing divine qualities that foster integrity in conduct.Keywords: pilgrimage, consolidation, Muslims in China, the Cultural Revolution, the reformer, the Islamic Education in Mosques.


1975 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 645-683 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hong Yung Lee

The Cultural Revolution was a large-scale self-examination by the Chinese of their political system, involving all the ruling groups as well as the whole population. Not only specific policy issues but also social. economic and political institutions and their value premises were subjected to this examination. Hoping to reverse the trend towards social restratification based on Party bureaucratism, Mao sought to build a mass consensus on the future direction of the revolution. However, in the process of “freely mobilizing the masses,” some social groups found that their interests called for a radical restructuring of the Chinese political system, while those of others lay in the status quo. As the Cultural Revolution (CR) unfolded, the masses and the elite further divided among themselves over the various issues: elite groupings took conservative or radical positions, and formed coalitions with corresponding sections of the masses. Consequently, the division between the radicals and the conservatives cut through both the elite and the masses and set in motion forces that gave the Cultural Revolution its distinctive character.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 144-165
Author(s):  
Chaira Saidah Yusrie ◽  
Ernawati Ernawati ◽  
Sofyan Sauri ◽  
Faiz Karim Fatkhullah

Having a Networking or Networking is one very important thing that supports the success of the world of education. As a social being, basically there needs to be socialization or good relations between fellow humans, both in the smallest environment such as household, family, relatives, work colleagues and others. The research that the author uses is a type of literature review research or often called library research, Library Research which is research that is focused on collecting a series of quotations from various books or articles and laws / regulations related to the object of study. The principle of Islam is living together and a person's relationship with society because an individual has limitations. Therefore, the benefits obtained from society are never comparable to the benefits obtained from individuals because of their limitations. Islam instructs its followers in doing jobs to always cooperate with others and when individuals work together and have social relations, the spirit of unity that blows in their anatomy will keep them from being divided, so that Islam places great importance on participation in society. Humans as social beings always need other people. Despite having an adequate life, sufficient intelligence and sufficient physical strength, he will always need an environment where he can share, support each other and work together. Humans need not only religion, science, or entertainment or the arts, but also togetherness. Everything is necessary. Because with religion life is more directed, with knowledge life will be easier, with the art of life more beautiful and with togetherness life will be more useful. Cooperation is the mental and emotional involvement of people in group situations that encourage them to contribute to group goals or various responsibilities for achieving goals. In building a social life, humans create forms of social interaction which are then studied in social science. As members of social groups, we act and behave in certain ways. The behavior of each individual is usually influenced by the behavior of other people which is then known as interaction. The definition of cooperation (cooperative) is an effort made by several people or groups to achieve common goals. This collaboration is an interaction that is very important for human life because humans are social creatures who both need each other. This collaboration can occur when the individual concerned has the same interests and awareness to work together in achieving common goals and interests. Cooperation or collaboration is very important in an organization, as an integral part of efforts to achieve organizational goals. Therefore, the school as an organization needs to continually strive to build a spirit of cooperation for all its members.  


Dearest Lenny ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 169-176
Author(s):  
Mari Yoshihara

In the mid-1980s, as Leonard Bernstein looked ahead at what he wanted to accomplish in his remaining years, his artistic and professional priorities became clear. Along with his continued commitments as a composer and a conductor, Bernstein decided to prioritize education as his mission. He also continued his activism to address the AIDS crisis. His defiance of the US government took another phase in November 1989, when he rejected the National Medal for the Arts in protest of the National Endowment for the Arts’ withdrawal of funding for an art show dealing with the theme of AIDS. In the meantime, the end of the Cultural Revolution and the opening of China’s door to the West led many musicians to seek artistic exchanges, and Amberson began to explore the possibility of the maestro’s visit to China.


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