scholarly journals Net neutrality policy debate in Croatia

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-28
Author(s):  
Mato Brautović

This study examines the debate on net neutrality in the Croatian public sphere, its origin and connection to similar debates in the United States and the EU. The study also tries to answer who the policy actors that influence the NN debate are, how the policy-making process concerning this topic was carried out in Croatia, and what the role of the mainstream media is. Empirical data was collected from documents and posts regarding net neutrality found on government, media, NGO and industry websites. The findings show that there are two parallel debates on net neutrality and the character of the Croatian policy-making process: the debate that is going on in the mainstream and online media, where international topics and actors (the US, the EU) dominate, and the debate that is happening in the Croatian public sphere, which is carried out as part of panels and conferences (mainly organised by the Croatian Regulatory Authority for Network Industries). Although the mainstream media reported positively about net neutrality, they have failed to bring the process of policy-making and the corresponding debate closer to the general public, as was the case in the US or Western Europe.

2009 ◽  
Vol 27 (15_suppl) ◽  
pp. 8053-8053
Author(s):  
J. F. Vansteenkiste ◽  
M. Koester ◽  
M. Lange ◽  
C. Eschbach

8053 Background: The latest developments in advanced NSCLC are represented by targeted therapy (TT), treatment decisions based on tumor histology, and biomarker research. A patient (pt) case-based survey was conducted in three regions to study current pt characteristics and treatment patterns. Methods: 629 physicians treating stage III/IV NSCLC provided details on up to 10 of their pts. Results: Overall, 3455 EU pts, 895 US pts, and 600 Japanese pts were monitored. This analysis focuses on the 89% of pts with stage IIIb/IV NSCLC. In each region, median age, gender, and occurrence of malignant pleural effusion were comparable but tumor histology differed slightly. Comparative analyses revealed that monotherapy (MT) with either chemotherapy (CT) or TT agents is used significantly more in elderly pts (≥70 yrs) while combination therapy (CT/TT doublets or triplets) is more frequent in younger pts. This is consistent across all regions and histologies (squamous vs non-squamous). In the EU, 48.3% of elderly and 13.6% of younger pts received MT (39.9% vs 15.1% for US pts, 32.0% vs 9.4% for Japanese pts). CT/TT doublets were used predominantly in younger vs elderly pts (72.3% vs 48.1% in the EU, 47.3% vs 36.9% in the US, and 81.7% vs 65.5% in Japan). Triplets were also more widely used in younger vs elderly pts (14.3% vs 3.6% in the EU, 36.3% vs 22.6% in the US, and 6.5% vs 1.8% in Japan). For both age groups, the leading MTs are erlotinib in the EU and US, and gefitinib in Japan but use is higher in elderly pts. Preferred doublets in the EU are platinum+gemcitabine (28.8%), platinum+vinorelbine (13.6%) and platinum+taxanes (13.5%). Platinum+taxanes is predominant in the US and Japan (27.7% and 55.4%, respectively). The triplets, bevacizumab+platinum+taxanes (27.0%) and bevacizumab+platinum+other (3.5%), are also common in the US while these treatments only represent 5.1% and 3.9%, respectively, in the EU. Conclusions: Important regional differences in 1st-line advanced NSCLC treatment exist with triplets being more common in the US only. MT is more frequent in elderly pts and combination therapy is more common in younger pts. This latter finding is consistent across all regions and histological subsets. [Table: see text]


2009 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
pp. 83-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gencer Özcan

AbstractThe article deals with the decline in the military's influence on the foreign and security policy making process in Turkey. Turkey's harmonization process with the EU that gained momentum in the early 2000s and the US invasion of Iraq in April of 2003 seem to have played a key role in this transformation. While the EU reforms provided for the gradual elimination of legal prerogatives of the military, the increasing US influence in Iraq limited the military's operational power and led to a situation in which it could not exert influence in Northern Iraq, a key area for Turkeys security.


Publications ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 18
Author(s):  
Mauro G. Carta ◽  
Matthias C. Angermeyer ◽  
Silvano Tagliagambe

The purpose is to verify trends of scientific production from 2010 to 2020, considering the best universities of the United States, China, the European Union (EU), and private companies. The top 30 universities in 2020 in China, the EU, and the US and private companies were selected from the SCImago institutions ranking (SIR). The positions in 2020, 2015, and 2010 in SIR and three sub-indicators were analyzed by means of non-parametric statistics, taking into consideration the effect of time and group on rankings. American and European Union universities have lost positions to Chinese universities and even more to private companies, which have improved. In 2020, private companies have surpassed all other groups considering Innovation as a sub-indicator. The loss of leadership of European and partly American universities mainly concerns research linked to the production of patents. This can lead to future risks of monopoly that may elude public control and cause a possible loss of importance of research not linked to innovation.


2008 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 429-433 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Harlander

Bioethanol is made from sugar- or starch-containing plants that are also used in food production. In the public perception this has led to an emotional resistance against biofuels, which in real terms is not substantiated. Generally biofuels are a political product. Triggered by the oil crisis in the 1970s, fuel ethanol programmes were first launched in Brazil and in the United States. Concerns regarding energy security and sustainability, together with the option of new markets for surplus agricultural production, have led to similar measures in the EU and other countries in recent years. Accordingly, the industry invested heavily in new bioethanol plants — especially in the US — and created an additional demand for maize and wheat, with some record-breaking prices noted in late 2007. A look back into statistics shows a drastic decline in real prices for decades, which have now simply returned to the level of 30 years ago. The grain used for bioethanol is currently only 1.6% in the EU and is therefore unlikely to be the real driver of price development. The European Commission concludes in its review of agricultural markets that Europe can do both: nutrition and biofuels.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 772-784
Author(s):  
Yury V. Borovsky

In the early 2020s the worlds transition from carbon-intensive to climate-neutral energy use has already become a discernible and a difficult-to-reverse process. With Joe Bidens election as US president, the United States have returned to the Paris Climate Agreement and have become a key driver of this process (along with the EU and China). As a result, the international community has reached a consensus on the ongoing energy transition. This process will require considerable effort and may take several decades. Nevertheless, the impact of energy transition on traditional approaches to energy security, which emerged largely as a result of the global oil crises of the 1970s and 1980s and are centered around the supply of fossil fuels, is already a relevant research topic. This problem is examined relying on the relevant terminological, theoretical and factual material. The article concludes that energy transition will ultimately undermine the carbon paradigm that has underpinned energy security policies since the 1970s. Rapid development of renewable and other low-carbon energy sources will certainly remove key energy security risks of energy importers and, possibly, allow them to achieve energy independence. However, a post-carbon era may also generate new risks. For countries that rely heavily on oil, gas and coal exports, energy transition will result in the loss of markets and revenues. It may present an energy security threat for them as well as it will require a costly and technologically complex process of the energy sector decarbonization. Some exporters, especially those with high fuel rents and insufficient financial reserves, may face serious economic and social upheavals as a result of energy transition. The EU and the US energy transition policies reflect provisions of all three fundamental international relations theoretical paradigms, including realism. This means that the EU and the US policy, aimed at promoting climate agenda, may be expected to be rather tough and aggressive. China as the third key player in energy transition is still following a liberal course; however, it may change in the future.


Author(s):  
Olena Skrypnyk

In this article to analyzes the policy of the European Union’s «Eastern Partnership». Determined US relation to the initiative of the EU. Characterized four summits the EU «Eastern Partnership» and followed the US response to these summits. The attention to Ukraine’s participation in the summit of the EU and the US position on this issue. Determined that the United States strongly supports the EU initiative «Eastern Partnership», especially in order to spread in the countries of the «Eastern Partnership» democracy, ensure human rights and freedoms, and to improve the socio-economic situation of these countries.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristen Hopewell

Abstract Under President Trump, the United States abdicated its traditional leadership role in the trading system, abandoning multilateralism for aggressive unilateralism and launching an active assault on the World Trade Organization (WTO). Most strikingly, the US blocked appointments to the Appellate Body, jeopardizing the WTO's dispute settlement mechanism. With the trade regime in crisis, a key question has been whether other states would have the will and capacity to lead system-preserving initiatives. While most attention has focused on whether China—widely seen as the chief hegemonic challenger to the US—would assume the mantle of leadership, there has been considerable scepticism about the European Union's capacity to exercise leadership amid the crisis. The EU has generally been seen as punching below its weight in terms of leadership at the WTO. In this article, however, I argue that it is the EU, rather than China, that has taken the lead in advancing concrete initiatives directed at defending and maintaining the multilateral trading system. The EU led the creation of an interim appeals arrangement to replace the defunct Appellate Body—in effect, creating an ‘Appellate Body minus the US’. Although the rules-based multilateral trading system remains under threat, it is the EU, not China, that is acting as a system-preserving power, leading efforts to defend the established order.


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