Food vs. fuel — A turning point for bioethanol?

2008 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 429-433 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Harlander

Bioethanol is made from sugar- or starch-containing plants that are also used in food production. In the public perception this has led to an emotional resistance against biofuels, which in real terms is not substantiated. Generally biofuels are a political product. Triggered by the oil crisis in the 1970s, fuel ethanol programmes were first launched in Brazil and in the United States. Concerns regarding energy security and sustainability, together with the option of new markets for surplus agricultural production, have led to similar measures in the EU and other countries in recent years. Accordingly, the industry invested heavily in new bioethanol plants — especially in the US — and created an additional demand for maize and wheat, with some record-breaking prices noted in late 2007. A look back into statistics shows a drastic decline in real prices for decades, which have now simply returned to the level of 30 years ago. The grain used for bioethanol is currently only 1.6% in the EU and is therefore unlikely to be the real driver of price development. The European Commission concludes in its review of agricultural markets that Europe can do both: nutrition and biofuels.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anran Wang ◽  
Xiaolei Xiu ◽  
Sizhu Wu

Abstract Background: Understanding public perception and behaviors toward COVID-19 is valuable for mitigating the severe epidemic. Our study aimed to investigate differences of the public from the US, UK, and Brazil on the aspects of the living environment, behaviors, attitude and risk perception. Methods: Dataset were taken from the COVID-19 (Coronavirus) Survival Calculator project. 89554 respondents from the US (n=71812), UK (n=10392), and Brazil (n=7350) completed online questionnaire survey from April 28 to July 8. Frequencies and percentages were calculated to describe respondents’ responses. Chi-square tests with Holm-Bonferroni correction and binary logistic regression were used to determine the differences in environmental status, behaviors and worried degree of participants among the three countries, and further explore the sociodemographic characteristics related to protective measures. Results: Brazil participants had the highest risk perception to COVID-19, followed by the US, and the UK was the lowest (39.02±24.57 vs. 32.72±22.38 vs. 29.47+22.39, P<0.001). More Brazil participants expressed that they were worried about COVID-19. The proportion of respondents from the US and UK who reported they were not worried about COVID-19 was 2.00 times (95%CI: 1.80-2.23) and 3.24 times (95%CI: 2.88-3.65) that of Brazil. A higher percentage of Brazil respondents reported they were in close contact with more than ten people, using public transport and engaging in work. Regarding behaviors, social distancing (ranges:84.9%-86.8%) and washing hands (ranges:84.8%-90.3%) were the most frequently used protective measures, but respondents from the US (69.8%) and UK (15.8%) were relatively reluctant to wear masks. Moreover, it was found that participants from ethnic minorities were more likely to take protective measures. But males, respondents under 20 years, and respondents with poor economic conditions had various degrees of neglect to take steps. Meanwhile, healthcare workers also had a relatively stronger awareness of protection. Conclusion: There are significant differences in the environment, behaviors, attitude and risk perception of the public from the US, UK and Brazil. The sociodemographic subgroups analysis indicated that it is necessary to enhance protection publicity and support for specific groups. Our findings are conducive to the public health authorities to carry out more targeted publicity work of COVID-19 protection measures.


Significance Trump first snubbed the EU on April 30 with a mere postponement of possible tariffs and then humiliated the E3 (Germany, France and the United Kingdom) on May 8 with his decision to withdraw from the Iranian nuclear deal. This sends a highly symbolic message from the US president to his European allies: buckle or face penalties. Impacts Trump’s decisions reinforce a growing realisation in the EU that he will interpret their search for compromise as weakness. The EU faces a difficult road ahead with multiple pressures increasing, both within and outside the bloc. The growing divide between the EU and the United States will please Russia.


Author(s):  
Elif Härkönen

Small and medium sized enterprises (SMEs) face proportionally higher costs than larger corporations when offering their shares to the public. An alternative to bank financing or an initial public offering is to raise small amounts of capital from the crowd, i.e. crowdfunding. During the past year, both the European Union (EU) and the United States (US) have either proposed or implemented changes to the regulation of prospectuses. The aim in both jurisdictions is to promote innovative forms of business financing. Changes in prospectus regulation should however not be at the expense of investor protection regulation. Non-qualified investors are generally seen as less sophisticated and in need of more comprehensive investor protection regulation than institutional and other qualified investors. In this article, the proposed changes to the EU prospectus regulation are examined in light of the newly adopted Regulation A and Regulation Crowdfunding in the US, with a focus on how the proposed changes will affect retail investors as well as SMEs and their ability to raise capital through crowdfunding. A conclusion drawn from the comparative study is that several safeguards intended to protect non-qualified investors in crowdfunding offers are present in the US but not in the EU. It is argued in this article that the changes proposed in the EU, making it easier for SMEs to raise capital on the capital markets, should be accompanied by more robust investor protection regulation.


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-241
Author(s):  
Alberto Alemanno

On 1May 2016,GreenpeaceNetherlands released 248 pages of TTIP negotiating texts stemming from previous negotiating rounds. Although it is not the first (and will not be the last) leak since the inception of the negotiation in 2013, this is the first to reveal the US negotiating position regarding 13 out of the 24 TTIP chapters.As such, the TTIP leaks provide an unprecedented opportunity to not only analyse the contrasting positions of the EU and US on several issues in the ongoing negotiations, but also to test the veracity of the competing narratives devised by opponents and proponents of the agreement. To what extent do their respective storylines find support in the actual texts?Supporters of TTIP have proposed fact-checking as an antidote against them is information around TTIP. Yet, having been predominantly advocated and provided for by the EU Commission rather than by the media, institutional fact-checking failed to counter the massive misinformation characterizing the public and political discourse surrounding the negotiations. Unfortunately, when it comes to public perception, the line between pedagogy and propaganda is fuzzy.


2012 ◽  
pp. 132-149 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. Uzun

The article deals with the features of the Russian policy of agriculture support in comparison with the EU and the US policies. Comparative analysis is held considering the scales and levels of collective agriculture support, sources of supporting means, levels and mechanisms of support of agricultural production manufacturers, its consumers, agrarian infrastructure establishments, manufacturers and consumers of each of the principal types of agriculture production. The author makes an attempt to estimate the consequences of Russia’s accession to the World Trade Organization based on a hypothesis that this will result in unification of the manufacturers and consumers’ protection levels in Russia with the countries that have long been WTO members.


Author(s):  
Halyna Shchyhelska

2018 marks the 100th anniversary of the proclamation of Ukrainian independence. OnJanuary 22, 1918, the Ukrainian People’s Republic proclaimed its independence by adopting the IV Universal of the Ukrainian Central Rada, although this significant event was «wiped out» from the public consciousness on the territory of Ukraine during the years of the Soviet totalitarian regime. At the same time, January 22 was a crucial event for the Ukrainian diaspora in the USA. This article examines how American Ukrainians interacted with the USA Government institutions regarding the celebration and recognition of the Ukrainian Independence day on January 22. The attention is focused on the activities of ethnic Ukrainians in the United States, directed at the organization of the special celebration of the Ukrainian Independence anniversaries in the US Congress and cities. Drawing from the diaspora press and Congressional Records, this article argues that many members of Congress participated in the observed celebration and expressed kind feelings to the Ukrainian people, recognised their fight for freedom, during the House of Representatives and Senate sessions. Several Congressmen submitted the resolutions in the US Congress urging the President of United States to designate January 22 as «Ukrainian lndependence Day». January 22 was proclaimed Ukrainian Day by the governors of fifteen States and mayors of many cities. Keywords: January 22, Ukrainian independence day, Ukrainian diaspora, USA, interaction, Congress


2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (7) ◽  
pp. 797-811 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brianne Suldovsky ◽  
Asheley Landrum ◽  
Natalie Jomini Stroud

In an era where expertise is increasingly critiqued, this study draws from the research on expertise and scientist stereotyping to explore who the public considers to be a scientist in the context of media coverage about climate change and genetically modified organisms. Using survey data from the United States, we find that political ideology and science knowledge affect who the US public believes is a scientist in these domains. Our results suggest important differences in the role of science media attention and science media selection in the publics “scientist” labeling. In addition, we replicate previous work and find that compared to other people who work in science, those with PhDs in Biology and Chemistry are most commonly seen as scientists.


Publications ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 18
Author(s):  
Mauro G. Carta ◽  
Matthias C. Angermeyer ◽  
Silvano Tagliagambe

The purpose is to verify trends of scientific production from 2010 to 2020, considering the best universities of the United States, China, the European Union (EU), and private companies. The top 30 universities in 2020 in China, the EU, and the US and private companies were selected from the SCImago institutions ranking (SIR). The positions in 2020, 2015, and 2010 in SIR and three sub-indicators were analyzed by means of non-parametric statistics, taking into consideration the effect of time and group on rankings. American and European Union universities have lost positions to Chinese universities and even more to private companies, which have improved. In 2020, private companies have surpassed all other groups considering Innovation as a sub-indicator. The loss of leadership of European and partly American universities mainly concerns research linked to the production of patents. This can lead to future risks of monopoly that may elude public control and cause a possible loss of importance of research not linked to innovation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 772-784
Author(s):  
Yury V. Borovsky

In the early 2020s the worlds transition from carbon-intensive to climate-neutral energy use has already become a discernible and a difficult-to-reverse process. With Joe Bidens election as US president, the United States have returned to the Paris Climate Agreement and have become a key driver of this process (along with the EU and China). As a result, the international community has reached a consensus on the ongoing energy transition. This process will require considerable effort and may take several decades. Nevertheless, the impact of energy transition on traditional approaches to energy security, which emerged largely as a result of the global oil crises of the 1970s and 1980s and are centered around the supply of fossil fuels, is already a relevant research topic. This problem is examined relying on the relevant terminological, theoretical and factual material. The article concludes that energy transition will ultimately undermine the carbon paradigm that has underpinned energy security policies since the 1970s. Rapid development of renewable and other low-carbon energy sources will certainly remove key energy security risks of energy importers and, possibly, allow them to achieve energy independence. However, a post-carbon era may also generate new risks. For countries that rely heavily on oil, gas and coal exports, energy transition will result in the loss of markets and revenues. It may present an energy security threat for them as well as it will require a costly and technologically complex process of the energy sector decarbonization. Some exporters, especially those with high fuel rents and insufficient financial reserves, may face serious economic and social upheavals as a result of energy transition. The EU and the US energy transition policies reflect provisions of all three fundamental international relations theoretical paradigms, including realism. This means that the EU and the US policy, aimed at promoting climate agenda, may be expected to be rather tough and aggressive. China as the third key player in energy transition is still following a liberal course; however, it may change in the future.


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