scholarly journals Sources of the ideology of the Serbian radical movement 1881-1903

Balcanica ◽  
2006 ◽  
pp. 125-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Milan Protic

The sources of the ideology of Serbian Radicalism were twofold: imported and domestic. The imported (or foreign) influences came in three major waves: 1) European (especially Russian) socialist, anarchist, and populist traditions mainly influencing the group round Svetozar Markovic and covering the period described as rudimentary Radicalism; 2) strong influence of the French Radical movement both in terms of political programme and organization; 3) British parliamentary and constitutional theory, fully accepted by the Radicals in Serbia by the late 1880s. The ideas drawn from European political experience needed to be transformed, changed, and adapted to suit the specific Serbian political environment. The internal (or domestic) sources of Radicalism were the specific political circumstances of Serbian society political expressions emerging from the ruler, on the one hand, and from political parties, on the other, fundamentally influenced and modified the Radical ideology.

1973 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
Author(s):  
N. Lust

Pigment content of ashes grown up under different circumstances - The pigment content (chlorophyll a, chlorophyll b,  xanthophyll and carotene) has been researched with ashes grown up under  different light circumstances and varying in age and height.     The results prove that the general laws concerning the influence of light  on the pigment content, don’t always work.     The phenomen is very complex. The light quantity is very important in some  cases, but insignificant in others. It seems origin and height of plants have  a strong influence. The results prove also the influence of the environment  is much higher on small plants as on big ones.     The research indicates finally the correlation between the green pigments,  the yellow pigments, and between the green pigments on the one side and the  yellow ones on the other side.


2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 705-732 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pepijn van Eeden

This article assesses the referendums in Hungary in 2004, 2008, and 2016 diachronically. The review is framed by two competing liberal parliamentary approaches to direct democracy: A useful democratic corrective to the distortions of particracy, or a risky option leading to tyranny of the majority? Rather than choosing sides, this article shows how the conundrum conceals another, more interesting question: Which are the constraints under which the liberal parliamentary viewpoint shifts from the one to the other? Theorizing on post-democracy and populism provides a provisional answer: A consensualized, “post-political” parliament is key, as this, in combination with widening social-economic disparities, incentivizes illiberal populist parties to harness referendums, which prompts liberal parliamentarianists to change their minds. The referendums in 2004, 2008, and 2016 in Hungary substantiate this suspicion. Taken together, they offer a step-by-step blueprint for how, in a thoroughly postpolitical situation, a referendum evolves into a perfect catalyst for populists on their road to power, enabling them with (a) agenda-setting; (b) an explosive emphasis on popular legitimacy; (c) arousing voluntarism, while luring opponents into campaigning for boycott and political apathy; (d) combining social equalitarianism with identarian protectionism, and most importantly; (e) bypassing parliament itself. This article is part of the special cluster titled Political Parties and Direct Democracy in Eastern Europe, guest-edited by Sergiu Gherghina.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard M. Levinson

Abstract Contemporary constitutional theory remains divided between competing approaches to the interpretation of normative texts: between originalism or original intent, on the one hand, and living constitution approaches, on the other. The purpose of this article is to complicate that problematic dichotomy by showing how cultures having a tradition of prestigious or authoritative texts addressed the problem of literary and legal innovation in antiquity. The study begins with cuneiform law from Mesopotamia and the Hittite Empire, and then shows how ancient Israel’s development of the idea of divine revelation of law creates a cluster of constraints that would be expected to impede legal revision or amendment. The well-known Decalogue, or Ten Commandments, provides a valuable test-case, with its normative statement that God punishes sinners across generations (vicariously extending the punishment due them to three or four generations of their progeny). A series of inner-biblical and post-biblical responses to that rule demonstrates, however, that later writers were able to criticize, challenge, reject, and replace it with the alternative notion of individual accountability. The article will provide a series of close readings of the texts involved, drawing attention to their legal language and hermeneutical strategies. The conclusions stress the remarkable freedom to modify ostensibly normative statements available to ancient judicial interpreters, despite the expected constraints of a formative religious canon attributed to divine revelation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wojciech Rafałowski

In recent years, a significant amount of research has been devoted to theorising and explaining parties’ vote-seeking behaviours with regard to emphasising certain policy domains and ignoring others. These strategies are largely determined by the parties’ issue ownership and the context of the competition. In this article, I explore the interaction between these two groups of factors, that is, how a given party type and its role within the party system moderate the political actor’s responsiveness to various unfolding events. The study uses a collection of Facebook posts published by the official profiles of some of the Polish political parties. I demonstrate that the competitors develop distinct strategies of issue emphasis in accordance with the incentives coming from the events that occur on the one hand and their strengths and weaknesses related to certain issue domains on the other.


2009 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 92-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Decker ◽  
Lazaros Miliopoulos

Right-wing extremist and populist parties operate in a rather difficult social and political environment in Germany, rendering notable electoral success fairly improbable, especially when compared to other European countries. The main reason for this is the continuing legacy of the Nazi past. Nevertheless the neo-Nazi National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD) managed to gain substantial votes in recent Land elections and became the leading force in the right-wing extremist political camp. Its success is attributable to rightwing extremist attitudes in some parts of the electorate in connection with a widespread feeling of political discontent. Nevertheless, it is questionable whether the NPD will be able to transform these attitudes into a viable ideological basis for two main reasons. On the one hand, maintaining a neo-Nazi ideology makes the NPD unattractive to many potential voters. On the other hand, given its internal power struggles and severe financial problems, the party may be unable to meet its challenges in organizational terms.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rhea Hoffmann

Based on assumptions from constitutional theory, this book examines the effects of international investment law on domestic constitutions and finds that the democratic compromise on property protection and the protection of legal positions under international investment law are structured differently. Protection of property under international investment law is oriented towards a high standard of protection for investors, while the democratic compromise on property protection strikes a balance between property protection on the one hand and public welfare interests on the other. The constitutions of Germany, South Africa and Australia and investment disputes concerning these countries (including Philip Morris and Vattenfall) serve as case illustrations. In addition, the study shows that the divergence between these two legal principles can also lead to a transformation of the democratic property compromise.


1969 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 469-493 ◽  
Author(s):  
Howard Wolpe

To the political scientist concerned with the relationship between social and economic modernisation, on the one hand, and political change and integration, on the other, the Ibo experience has long held particular interest. In his pioneering study of Nigerian nationalism, James Coleman observed that Ibos had played a singular role in the post-war political era: ‘Ibos overwhelmingly predominated in both the leadership and the mass membership of the N.C.N.C., the Zikist Movement, and the National Church. Postwar radical and militant nationalism, which emphasized the national unity of Nigeria as a transcendent imperative, was largely, but not exclusively, an Ibo endeavor’1 But radical and militant pan-Nigerian nationalism was only one part of the Ibo political posture. No less noteworthy was the parallel development of a highly cohesive and organisationally sophisticated pan-Ibo movement, the very success of which ultimately undermined the pan- Nigerian aspirations of the Ibo-led N.C.N.C. and, subsequently, was one of several factors operating to impair the national legitimacy of an Ibo-led military régime. It is this paradoxical blending of ‘civic’ and ‘primordial’ sentiments which, perhaps, best defines the modern Ibo political experience2.


2016 ◽  
pp. 37-53
Author(s):  
Jerzy Łazor ◽  
Wojciech Morawski

The political discourse in Poland in the final years before the fall of communism in 1989, was based on a strong opposition between the authorities and the rest of society. Even then, however, support for the opposition was not unanimous, and it was even less so in previous years. Most Poles considered the communist system forced, exogenous, oppressive, unacceptable, and supported by the Soviet threat. Still, individual reactions were varied: there were different paths to be taken through communism. The authors of the paper discuss how these paths contributed to differing recollections of the period. They focus on the collective memory of political parties and politicians, particularly on the controversial question of collaborating with the communist regime and the rights to veteran status among the former opposition members. It is a story of two types of memory: the one stressing reconciliation and the other pushing the distinction between former regime representatives and democratic opposition members


Res Publica ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-129
Author(s):  
Johan Ackaert

Due to the financial crisis of the Belgian central administration and the financial difficulties of local government, municipal taxes are gradually taking a higher place in the rank of municipal income sources. One could expect a differentiation between the presence of some political parties in the board ofmayor and aldermen (the local majority) on the one hand and the burden of taxation (and its amount of increase) on the other hand. Concerning this amount of increase, the data showed no evidence to prove that differentiation in the Flemish municipalities.  Still we noticed a small variation in the burden of taxation according as to theweight of the socialist group within the local majority. Nevertheless factors as population and the level of mean income in the municipalities were more important to explain the burden of taxation. The results of the municipal-council elections of 1988 are not affected by the increase of the local burden of taxation.


Author(s):  
Anna Kholomeeva

The political environment in Khurasan with the arrival of the Samanid dynasty contributed to an increase in the national identity of Iranians on the one hand and mutual enrichment of cultures in the cosmopolitan climate on the other. The formation of style in the architecture is associated with the visual-spatial memory of Iranians themselves in a direction determined by Muslim religion. Hardly had the Iranian artists appealed to their traditional forms when they transformed them in according to the new Islamic discourse. The study also revealed that there is some evidence to suggest that Iranian art in the first centuries of Islam had its independent development course based on the flexibility of culture and awareness of its own identity.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document