scholarly journals Energy products - one of supporting pillars of geopolitical power of Russia

2013 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 444-461
Author(s):  
Nevenka Jeftic-Sarcevic ◽  
Edita Stojic-Karanovic

The pillars of the Russian political power are as follows: nuclear power, the United Nations veto power, possession and trade in energy products. In comparison with other countries on the international energy market Russia has enormous energy and mineral resources. It uses them as an instrument of pursuing of its foreign policy and gaining regional and global power. Building of the South Stream enables Russia to expand its power in the Mediterranean, South Europe and in the African pipeline areas. Russia has developed several projects covering a broader Euro-Asian and Mediterranean area. In this way, it has positioned itself for a global energy acting through which it attempts to achieve its aim of exerting its global political influence establishing itself as a global energy super power.

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (8) ◽  
pp. 164-174
Author(s):  
Zh. V. IVANOVSKAYA ◽  

The prospects of the Russian nuclear power industry depend on many factors, including economic, technological, political, social, and other aspects of the development of the global energy market. To increase the competitiveness of the Russian nuclear power industry, it is necessary to strengthen the existing advantages of Rosatom State Corporation, as well as state support for programs aimed at the development of nuclear technologies, both in the energy sector and in other sectors of the economy, including healthcare. The issues of developing international cooperation are particularly relevant when realizing the export potential of Russian nuclear energy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmad Saifuddin Bukhari

In recent years, Rosatom has dominated the world nuclear energy market. This Russian state-owned company has around 36 portfolios of new nuclear power plants (NPP) in various countries. In addition, Rosatom also controls about 17% of the nuclear fuel market. This research aims to find out how Rosatom can dominate the global nuclear energy market. To answer that, this study used a qualitative descriptive research method with the neomerkantilism concept approach. The data collection technique is done by means of literature study or literature study. The results of this study indicate that Rosatom can dominate the global nuclear energy market due to the influence and support of the Russian state. Russia made Rosatom a state-owned company aimed at pursuing maximum revenue through exports of nuclear energy for the sake of increasing the national economy as well as its global political influence.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 153-158
Author(s):  
E. V. YANUSIK ◽  

The article discusses the main prerequisites for the development of nuclear energy in the global econo-my, also defines nuclear energy and discusses the structure of global energy consumption. The article proves that the crucial prerequisite for the development of nuclear energy in the world market is the economic efficiency of nuclear power plants.


2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 249-271 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kyu-Deug Hwang

* The first version of this paper was presented at the Fifth European Conference on African Studies (ecas 5), which was held on June 27-29, 2013 at iscte-iul Lisboa, Portugal. I am deeply grateful to the anonymous reviewers for their very helpful comments on the previous drafts. This work was supported by Hankuk University of Foreign Studies Research Fund of 2014. The rise of China as an emergent global power in gaining access to energy and mineral resources is one of the main factors for reinforcing Korea’s aid to Africa. Although Korea recognizes the limits of searching for ways of furthering its ‘resource diplomacy’ based primarily on economic pragmatism, the Korean government has strived to utilize foreign aid as a tool for soft power. Korea’s perspective is to play a bigger role in addressing global issues as well as to aspire in becoming a middle power, in the sense that it is not regionally influential in spite of its growing powers. Given that middle power diplomacy tends to pursue a norm-based approach and also provides knowledge and/or ideas relevant to a unique niche that it finds important, it is characteristically soft power-oriented. Taking into account the non-material or ideational factors as well as material ones, constructivists in the field of international relations (ir) recognize the power of ideas, norms, institutions, and interests, which contain the core elements of what Nye calls soft power. In this context, this paper attempts to illuminate some of the important questions as to why and how Korea has endeavored to focus on developing its soft power strategy toward Africa in the new millennium.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-81
Author(s):  
E. V. Kryzhko ◽  
P. I. Pashkovsky

The article examines the features of the US foreign policy towards the Central Asian states in the post-bipolar period. The imperatives and constants, as well as the transformation of Washington’s Central Asian policy, have been characterized. It is shown that five Central Asian states have been in the focus of American foreign policy over the past thirty years. In the process of shaping the US foreign policy in Central Asia, the presence of significant reserves of energy and mineral resources in the region was of great importance. Therefore, rivalry for Caspian energy resources and their transportation routes came to the fore. In addition to diversifying transport and logistics flows and supporting American companies, the US energy policy in Central Asia was aimed at preventing the restoration of Russia’s economic and political influence, as well as countering the penetration of China, which is interested in economic cooperation with the countries of the region. During the period under review, the following transformation of mechanisms and means of Washington’s policy in the Central Asian direction was observed: the policy of “exporting democracy”; attempts to “nurture” the pro-American elite; striving to divide states into separate groups with permanent “appointment” of leaders; involvement in a unified military system to combat terrorism; impact on the consciousness of the population in order to destabilize geopolitical rivals; building cooperation on a pragmatic basis due to internal difficulties and external constraints. Central Asian states sympathized with the American course because of their interest in technology and investment. At the same time, these states in every possible way distanced themselves from the impulses of “democratization” from Washington. Kazakhstan was a permanent regional ally of the United States, to which Uzbekistan was striving to join. The second echelon in relations with the American side was occupied by Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan. A feature of the positions of the Central Asian countries is the maximum benefit from cooperation with Washington while building good-neighborly relations with Russia and China, which is in dissonance with the regional imperatives of the United States. In the future, the American strategy in Central Asia will presumably proceed from the expediency of attracting regional allies and stimulating contradictions in order to contain geopolitical rivals in the region.


Atomic Energy ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 78 (6) ◽  
pp. 345-350
Author(s):  
G. A. Ivanov ◽  
L. I. Shibarshov ◽  
N. P. Voloshin ◽  
A. S. Ganeev ◽  
S. Yu. Kuz'minykh ◽  
...  

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