scholarly journals The colour lexicon of the Serbian language - a study of dark blue and dark red colour categories Part 1: Colour-term elicitation task

Psihologija ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-213
Author(s):  
Ivana Jakovljev ◽  
Suncica Zdravkovic

In this study, we linguistically investigated Serbian colour terminology. We administrated colourterm elicitation task aiming to establish the inventory of basic colour terms (BCTs) in the Serbian language and, in particular, to investigate the salience and the status of colour terms teget ?dark blue? and bordo ?dark red?. Native speakers of Serbian (N = 83) participated in a list task (Morgan & Corbett, 1989), in which they had to list as many Serbian colour terms as possible during five minutes. Based on the collected data, we calculated frequency of each term, its mean position and two indexes of salience. Results showed that 11 Serbian most salient colour terms correspond to the eleven BCTs found by Berlin and Kay (1969), namely, plavo ?blue?, crveno ?red?, zuto ?yellow?, zeleno ?green?, crno ?black?, belo ?white?, ljubicasto ?purple?, narandzasto ?orange?, sivo ?grey?, roze ?pink?, and braon ?brown?, but that basic status of braon needs to be further examined. Teget ?dark blue? and bordo ?dark red?, along with tirkizno ?turquoise? and oker ?ochre? were frequently used, with higher salience indices than other non-BCTs. Further research is needed to find out whether teget and bordo meet criteria of BCTs in the Serbian language.

Author(s):  
Elena Ryabina

[NOTE. This abstract contains diacritics that may not display correctly.]This article deals with a comparative study of loaned colour vocabulary in the closely related Komi-Zyrian and Komi-Permyak languages. Data were originally collected by using the field method suggested for establishing basic colour terms by Davies and Corbett (1994, 1995). Sixty-five coloured tiles were used as stimuli. The study explored and compared the psychological salience of recent Russian loan colour terms. It was found that loan colour words occurred more in the Komi-Permyak data. The most salient adopted colour term in the Komi-Permyak language is zeĺone̮j ‘green’. In the next stage of basic colour system evolution in Komi-Zyrian and Komi-Permyak, the loan colour terms korič́ńeve̮j ‘brown’, fioĺetove̮j ‘purple’ and oranževe̮j ‘orange’ may appear. At the present stage of colour category development, the Russian basic terms rozovyj ‘pink’ and goluboj ‘light-blue’ are not salient in either language.Elena Ryabina: Laenvärvinimedest komi keeltes. Artiklis võrreldakse vene laenvärvinimesid omavahel lähedalt suguluses olevas sürjakomi ja permikomi keeles. Andmed on kogutud Daviese ja Corbett’ (1995) välimeetodiga. Uurimuses on kasutatud 65 standardset Color-aid Corporationi värvitahvlit. Uurimuse eesmärk on laenvärvinimede psühholoogilise esilduvuse väljaarvutamine ja võrdlemine. Tulemused näitavad, et permikomi andmestik sisaldab rohkem laenvärvinimesid. Kognitiivse esiletuleku indeksi järgi on neist psühholoogiliselt esilduvaim zeĺone̮j ‘roheline’. Põhivärvinimede süsteemi arenedes võivad komi keeltes eeldatavasti leksikaliseeruda korič́ńeve̮j ‘pruun’, fioĺetove̮j ‘lilla’ ja oranževe̮j ‘oranž’, sest need on mõlemas komi keeles kodunenud. Laenvärvinimed rozovyj ‘roosa’ ja goluboj ‘helesinine’ ei ole praegusel põhivärvinimede arenguetapil psühholoogiliselt esiletulevad kummaski komi keeles.Märksõnad: laensõna, põhivärvinimi, psühholoogiline esilduvus, sürjakomi keel, permikomi keel


1993 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerry Morgan

AbstractAn experiment is described in which 74 French subjects were asked to list colour terms within a limited time period. Results are compared with those from a similar experiment with Russian subjects. The resulting data are used as a measure of psychological salience to establish which French colour terms are basic. Particular attention is paid to the two possible French terms for brown (marron and brun), and to beige ‘beige’, which may be emerging as an additional basic term. As Russian also has an additional term for blue, both languages are particularly interesting in the light of Berlin and Kay's 1969 model of basic colour term development.


1994 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 693-712 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Davies ◽  
Greville Corbett ◽  
Harry McGurk ◽  
David Jerrett

ABSTRACTWe report a study of the acquisition of colour terms by speakers of Setswana, the language of Botswana in Southern Africa. This was carried out as a test of Berlin & Kay's theory of colour term universals, on a language with less than the maximum complement of eleven basic colour terms, and in order to document changes in Setswana under the impact of economic development. Seventy-seven five- to nine-year-olds were studied on two colour tasks: elicited lists and colour naming. In general the data were consistent with Berlin & Kay's theory: the rank order of frequency of correct use of colour terms was similar to the order of the Berlin & Kay hierarchy; and primary colour terms were offered more frequently and were more likely to be used correctly than secondary colour terms. The use of English colour terms was prevalent, especially amongst the younger groups, but they functioned as substitutes for Setswana terms, rather than as a means to fill the vacant basic colour term slots.


2003 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-86
Author(s):  
Francis Conlan

The Japanese language has a colour term, ‘ao’, which is usually referred to in bilingual dictionaries as being the equivalent of English ‘blue’. Very often, however, it is used to describe things which English speakers would describe as being green. Granny Smith apples are ‘ao’, so are all Westerners ‘ eyes, regardless of whether they would be described as being ‘blue’ or ‘green’ in English. The sky and the sea are prototypically ‘ao’, but this term is also used to describe lawns, forests, traffic lights and unripe tomatoes. What, then, do Japanese native speakers (JNS) understand by this term? How do its semantic boundaries relate to those of the term ‘midori’ (‘green’)? What is the JNS understanding of the foreign loan words ‘guriiri (green) and ‘buruu’ (blue)? This paper reports on ‘ao’ prototypes and prototype theory’s good and bad examples of referents for these four colour terms. It explores, from a semasiological perspective, both the relationships of entailment and the processes of exclusion which operate when JNS select amongst these colour terms. The possibilities and non-possibilities for the shared use of these colour terms are identified for a variety of referents.


2020 ◽  
pp. 211-224
Author(s):  
Alexandra I. Chivarzina

The basic colour term for blue is extremely rare in the plant nomination in comparison with the widespread derivatives of the other colour terms as “white”, “black”, “red” or even “yellow”. One can fi nd a few examples of such names recorded in the dictionaries of the Balkan Slavic dialects. Within the framework of this study, the material of the colour terms in the names of mushrooms was also taken into account, as mushrooms are supposed to be close to plants in the naive picture of the world. The “blue” can appear diff erently depending on the object of nomination: in the names of fl owers and fruits, the blue is recorded mainly in competing forms of the roots +модарand +син, and in the mushroom names there are forms of the roots +модар, +виолет-, as well as +плав — which is characteristic for the dialect continuum of the Serbian language. When analyzing the total corpus of lexemes one can notice an obvious pre-dominance of the element +модар in comparison with the basic and most common at this period lexemes of Bulg., Mac., Serb. синand плав. The root +модар is used in the meaning of the border colour between blue and purple. Therefore, it corresponds better to the nomination of plant and mushroom, whose colours can vary in shades and in intensity.


Perception ◽  
10.1068/p3405 ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 31 (11) ◽  
pp. 1349-1370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicola J Pitchford ◽  
Kathy T Mullen

We investigated whether the learning of colour terms in childhood is constrained by a developmental order of acquisition as predicted by Berlin and Kay [1969 Basic Color Terms (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press)]. Forty-three children, aged between 2 and 5 years and grouped according to language ability, were given two tasks testing colour conceptualisation. Colour comprehension was assessed in a spoken-word-to-colour-matching task in which a target colour was presented in conjunction with two distractor colours. Colour naming was measured in an explicit naming task in which colours were presented individually for oral naming. Results showed that children's knowledge of basic-colour terms varied across tasks and language age, providing little support for a systematic developmental order. In addition, we found only limited support for an advantage for the conceptualisation of primary (red, green, blue, yellow, black, white) compared to non-primary colour terms across tasks and language age. Instead, our data suggest that children acquire reliable knowledge of nine basic colours within a 3-month period (35.6 to 39.5 months) after which there is a considerable lag of up to 9 months before accurate knowledge of the final two colours (brown and grey) is acquired. We propose that children acquire colour term knowledge in two distinct time frames that reflect the establishment of, first, the exterior (yellow, blue, black, green, white, pink, orange, red, and purple) and, second, the interior structure (brown and grey) of conceptual colour space. These results fail to provide significant support for the order predicted by Berlin and Kay, and suggest, instead, that the development of colour term knowledge is largely unconstrained.


2008 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-92
Author(s):  
Andrew Hippisley ◽  
Ian Davies ◽  
Greville G. Corbett

Berlin & Kay’s basic colour term framework claims that there is an ordering in the diachronic development of languages’ colour systems. One generalisation is that primary colours, WHITE, BLACK, RED, YELLOW, GREEN, BLUE, are lexical­ised before derived colours, which are perceptual blends, e.g. ORANGE is the blend of YELLOW and RED. The colour systems of Lower Sorbian and Upper Sorbian offer an important typological contribution. It is already known that primary colour space can contract upon the emergence of a basic derived term; our findings indicate that derived categories also shift as colour systems develop. Tsakhur offers corroborating evidence.


1998 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 395-417 ◽  
Author(s):  
IAN R. L. DAVIES ◽  
GREVILLE G. CORBETT ◽  
HARRY McGURK ◽  
CATRIONA MacDERMID

We report a study of the acquisition of colour terms by Russian children which had two main aims: first, to test Berlin & Kay's (1969) theory of colour universals using acquisition order as a measure of basicness; and secondly, to see if the two blue terms of Russian are genuinely basic. Two hundred children aged from three to six-years-old were tested on three colour-tasks – colour term listing, colour term production and colour term comprehension. To a reasonable approximation, the order of colour term acquisition was in accord with Berlin & Kay's theory, but the data are also consistent with the weaker claim that primary terms tend to be learned before derived terms. On balance the data were consistent with Russian exceptionally, having an extra term for the blue region. But, the two blue terms – goluboj ‘light blue’ and sinij ‘dark blue’ – were confused more often than other pairs of terms even by the five- to six-year-old sample.


2018 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-252
Author(s):  
Alicja Piotrowska

Abstract In this paper I discuss the constructions with the group genitive and their use in today’s Swedish. The development of the s-genitive from a diachronic perspective, its degrammaticalization and the status of the s-genitive are discussed. The aim of the paper is to examine and analyse the use of the group genitive in the Swedish nominal phrases in three contexts, i. e. coordinated nominal phrases, nominal phrase with a prepositional phrase and nominal phrase with a relative clause. The group genitive’s domain is above all spoken, colloquial language. The analysed material consists of authentic examples of everyday use of language from the Swedish corpus Språkbanken and a questionnaire conducted among native speakers. The study shows that the group genitive is very productive with various types of nominal phrases in Swedish, even though it is still limited to colloquial and non-formal use of language.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 405-435 ◽  
Author(s):  
Osmer Balam

The present study examines two aspects of determiner phrases (dps) that have been previously investigated in Spanish/English code-switching; namely, the openness of semantic domains to non-native nouns and gender assignment in monolingual versus code-switched speech. The quantitative analysis of naturalistic, oral production data from 62 native speakers of Northern Belizean Spanish revealed both similarities and notable differences vis-à-vis previous findings for varieties of Spanish/English code-switching in theu.s. Hispanophone context. Semantic domains that favoured non-native nouns in Spanish/Englishdps included academia, technology, work/money-related terms, abstract concepts, linguistics/language terms and everyday items. In relation to gender assignation, assignment patterns in monolingualdps were canonical whereas an overwhelming preference for the masculine default gender was attested in mixeddps. Biological gender was not found to be deterministic in switcheddps. The analysis highlights the important role that type of code-switching has on contact outcomes in bi/multilingual communities, as speech patterns are reflective of the status and resourcefulness that code-switching is afforded at a societal and idiolectal level.


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