scholarly journals “Is it possible that people are so irresponsible?”: Tabloid news framing of the COVID-19 pandemic in Serbia

Sociologija ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 503-523
Author(s):  
Jelena Kleut ◽  
Norbert Sinkovic

Starting from the observation that the COVID-19 pandemic is a socio-cultural and health phenomenon, in this paper we analyse the tabloid news framing of the pandemic in Serbia. Our study examines a month-long period following the first identified case, during which the government introduced preventative measures deemed to be some of the strictest in the world. Applying a news framing analysis to front page news of the three tabloid newspapers Alo, Informer, and Kurir (N = 387), our study identifies nine frames employed in the media reporting about the pandemic. Supplementing the framing analysis with an examination of the narrative roles of heroes, victims and villains in which different social actors are placed, we add to the nuanced understanding of the socio-cultural frames of reference in pandemic reporting. Our analysis establishes that the most prominent frames in the tabloid news stories on COVID-19 in Serbia are prevention and human-interest frames. It shows that the attribution of responsibility frame is used to present citizens as villains who undermine successful state measures, while China and Russia are portrayed as the heroes in the fight against are virus.

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 242-260
Author(s):  
Justito Adiprasetio

The attack on the West Papua student dormitory in Surabaya, East Java, Indonesia, on 16 August  2019 by the Islamic Defender Fronts (FPI), Communication Forum for Retired Children of the Indonesian Military/Police (FKPPI) and Pancasila Youth (PP) sharpened Indonesia’s crisis with West Papua. The baldly racist attack then ignited repression, as well as demonstrations from West Papuans in various cities. In such a crisis, Indonesian online media does not provide proportional voices from West Papuan society. That adds to a record of how bad the practice of journalism related to West Papua so far appears to be. This study conducted a quantitative framing analysis, examining the number of reports, use of resource persons and the use of framing of crisis in the news, on six Indonesian online media: okezone.com, detik.com, kompas.com, tribunnews.com, cnnindonesia.com and tirto.id in the period of August 13-31, 2019. From the 2,471 news reports, it can be seen that most of the main news sources used by the media are from the government and the apparatus and police. West Papuan society received only scant coverage compared with the range of news of the attacks on West Papua student dormitories and their effects. The dominant crisis frames that appear in the news are the frame of attribution of responsibility and frame of conflict. The frame of human interest, frame of morality and frame of economic take the bottom three positions.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 233
Author(s):  
Ayub Dwi Anggoro ◽  
Eli Purwati ◽  
Yusuf Adam Hilman

Donald Trump’s policy on immigrants has been a controversy. The controversy culminated when the policy was reported by the media, such as Foxnews.com and Aljazeera.com. This study aims to compare news framing in both media, especially the application of ideology and political economic of media, as an effort to get objective and neutral reporting. This research uses qualitative approach with framing analysis method of Zhongdang Pan and Gerald M. Kosicki. The results show that framing by Foxnews.com and Aljazeera.com is in favor of the interests of media owners, namely Rupert Murdoch and the government of Qatar.


MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Li Xiguang

The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions. 


Glimpse ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-144
Author(s):  
Duygu Onay-Coker ◽  

The COVID-19 pandemic both highlighted and exacerbated deep societal inequalities. Vulnerable and disadvantaged groups, especially women, faced even more unequal treatment. During the lockdown, women at home performed more childcare, and shouldered more cooking and cleaning duties, while husbands spent most of their time in virtual meetings. The media played a crucial role during this situation through its representation of women. An analysis of the reportage of two bestseller print mainstream media, Sabah and Hürriyet, compared to two alternative media channels on the internet, GazeteDuvar and T24, highlighted a serious difference in perspective in news stories about women. Bestseller mainstream Turkish media ignored the difficulties faced by women and followed dominant hegemonic discourse emphasizing women as wives and mothers who sacrifice themselves for their children and families. They ignored the plight of women victims subjected to violence during the lockdown and reproduced the idea of traditional gender roles through their news items. However, alternative newspapers provided a voice to the women, as well as to the voiceless, disadvantageous groups. They were critical of the government, local authorities, related powers, and their health politics. They did not prefer to ignore women and their voices but instead announced them in detail.


2016 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 456
Author(s):  
Dian Purworini ◽  
Engkus Kuswarno ◽  
Purwanti Hadisiwi ◽  
Agus Rakhmat

Mediation by the government in the Royal Palace of Surakarta’s internal conflict was considered reasonable and appropriate policy by the media. The approach to the conflict did not emphasize a strong cultural aspect of that culture-based organization. This research aimed to examine how online news media reported on the Royal Palace of Surakarta’s internal conflict. Furthermore, this research used framing analysis as proposed by Stephen D Reese to analyze the news published in February 2014. The outcome indicated that there was framing construction of the government policies. The content of the news presented that framing processes occurred. Those started from the transmission of the various debated about government policy, then reinforced through elections sentence that supported certain policy and continued to the naturalization process. The final process was an important strategy to make mediation as an accepted policy that should be done by the government. In the conclusion, the perception to be formed was that government policies were appropriate, and so everyone should hold it. The conflict resolution could be achieved through the mediation as already conducted.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement 2) ◽  
pp. 134s-134s
Author(s):  
M. Thoo ◽  
M.S. Abdullah ◽  
M.A. Mohd Nor ◽  
M.F. Mohamad Azmi ◽  
S. Somasundaram

Background and context: “Kiddie packs”–packs of 10 or fewer cigarettes–have been banned in Malaysia in 2010. In August 2017, however, tobacco control civil society organizations (CSOs) were informed that the tobacco industry had approached the Malaysian government on this issue, claiming that a “return” would increase the government’s tobacco tax revenue. Unfortunately, this news was not formalised and CSOs were not allowed to reveal the source. We thus could not implement direction action organizing, and the media is much less likely to respond to “smoke without fires”. Aim: To stop the return of kiddie packs. Strategy/Tactics: Through discussions on a WhatsApp group, CSOs launched a “divide and conquer” battle. After a CSO took the risk and leaked the information to media (without revealing its source), many groups built on the voice, and “smoked out” the enemy. A few CSOs tackled a different front, including using social media to gather voices, rallying the support of policymakers, other ministers, and nonhealth civil societies, and coordinating a visit to the government. Program/Policy process: After a CSO disclosed the “kiddie pack” news to the largest selling daily newspaper, many groups followed up with interviews, media statements and letters. Meantime, another CSO reached out to its network of policymakers and nonhealth CSOs for support, and sent briefing points or draft “letters to the government” with key messages that tailored to the senders´ specialty (human rights, environment, etc.) When a protobacco retailer announced it had 3200 signatures from their members, one CSO launched an online petition on its Facebook page, shared the effects of kiddie packs on adolescents, and gathered 10 times the signature within a month. The final effort was a visit to the government - a tactic used by the e-cigarette industry previously - to submit the signatures and statement. Outcomes: The “leak” resulted in a front page coverage, allowing the Health Minister to state his views, and other CSOs to use it as a platform to voice their protest. It was also publicised in mainstream as well as online news in different languages. Within two weeks, the tobacco industry finally revealed its intention, and coordinated its media responses through its supporters. Each of these responses were met - point by point–by CSOs, resulting in at least 20 published “letters”. Nearly 40,400 (online and offline) signatures were gathered, representing 57 CSOs. To date, kiddie packs have not made a “return”. What was learned: Instant messaging applications and social media tools can replace meetings and on-the-ground efforts, especially when CSOs lack funds, time, and human resources. Also, great campaigns should consist of general (e.g., writing to the media) as well as specialized (social media, networking with policymakers) efforts. This allows different CSOs to focus their strengths, avoid redundant tasks or “working in silos”, and have every contribution count.


Journalism ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 402-419 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathleen M Kuehn

This research investigates how New Zealand media framed the mass surveillance debates in the immediate months following the June 2013 Snowden revelations up to the passage of the Government Communications and Security Bureau Amendment Bill 2013. A media framing analysis of news stories from two commercial newspapers and the national public broadcaster in New Zealand (N = 156) revealed frames of lawfulness, conflict, and democratic values dominated coverage; public radio drew upon one additional frame, Edward Snowden the individual. A comparative analysis reveals the commercial newspapers’ reliance on episodic frames opposed to public media’s thematic framing, yet coverage across both samples was overwhelmingly negative. Both samples also privileged official government and foreign media sources. Together, these strategies worked to distance citizens from the surveillance debate by framing it as a political – rather than a civic – issue to be resolved by government leaders. The media’s inability to build a consensus around the surveillance debate and engage citizen voices may at least partially explain the lack of coordinated public resistance against subsequent surveillance policy reforms that effectively expanded New Zealand’s intelligence community’s spy powers.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arab World English Journal ◽  
Suadad Fadhil Kadhum

This study deals with the analysis of a selected hard news through the adaptation of an eclectic model of analysis by the use of Van Dijk (1988), Bell (1991) and Halliday (1976) models of discourse analysis. Writing news stories is a problematic process because it is not a process of merely putting words together to form a text or report, but it involves the choice of the words and markers that conditioned by the purpose, place, and the readers. The study aims at proposing a theoretical framework for the macro- level analysis of news discourse. It covers the macro level analysis of the chosen hard news. The data of the study is an English news story taken from Washington Times newspaper published on 20th of August 2016. The results of the study display that English hard news stories show certain complexity in their structure. The writer of this hard news story aims at not only conveying information but arising the voice of protest against the government and the court of justice. Such analysis reaches to a conclusion, which emphasizes the idea that the field of discourse can be used for better understanding of the media.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-290
Author(s):  
Rajoanna Mowly ◽  
Nasya Bahfen

Eve-teasing is a euphemism for street-based sexual harassment, which is a widespread issue across Bangladesh affecting the emotional, mental, and physical wellbeing of Bangladeshi women. The media can play a vital role by covering news and raising awareness of eve-teasing. Historically, the headlines in Bangladesh focused on more obvert forms of gender violence—rape, murder, acid attacks—framing eve-teasing as a mere nuisance, a fact of life in the country. How the media portrays eve-teasing in Bangladesh is a subject about which there is currently very little research. This content analysis of the two main national newspapers in Bangladesh assesses how the media reported street-based sexual harassment over the course of a seminal year—2010. It was during this year that the government of Bangladesh enacted the Family Violence Prevention and Protection Act in acknowledgement of the prevalence and seriousness of gender violence in the country. Similar acts had been passed by the governments of nearby countries India and Sri Lanka in 2005, and Nepal in 2008 (Fardosh, 2013). This study looks at how Bangladeshi newspapers covered ‘eve-teasing’ prominently (as front-page news), in a year when it was acknowledged as a serious issue, through the passing of a law by the Bangladeshi government.


2020 ◽  
pp. 18-29
Author(s):  
Tatiana Alexandrovna Nevskaya

Currently, control over the political process is exercised not only on the physical level: a significant role in political transformations is also played by media space. Alongside the traditional forms, such as television, radio and periodicals, the Internet grows in popularity, being a platform for communication between most active social actors concerned with the problems of political, cultural and other social spheres. The virtual environment that opens doors for the promotion of civil initiatives. It is noteworthy that civil activity can have a destabilizing effect on the media space, when the population uses online platforms not as a resource of “soft power”, but as the means of influencing the government. The citizens’ pursuit of sociopolitical changes manifests not only in the forms of protest: media space affords opportunities for participation in various online platforms, forums, etc. for the citizens with active political position. At the same time, the virtual means of participation in such projects as a resource of political administration have certain limitations and are controlled by the government. Leaning on the comparative analysis, the author analyzes the theory of the question, as well as Russian and international practical experience pertaining to implementation of civil activism as a resource for political administration of media space. The conclusion is made on the level effectiveness of implementation of civil activism in media environment, its capabilities and limitations.


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