scholarly journals Were the Sclavinias states?

2014 ◽  
pp. 941-947
Author(s):  
Djordje Djekic
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Identity Based

Literature has thus far denied that the Sclavinias, established in the 7th century, were states. Various terms have been used to denominate them (e.g. formations), but they have not been precisely defined. Considering that a state consists of three elements: government, territory and population, this paper shows that the Sclavinias had their rulers as early as late 4th century, and we know them by their names in the second half of the 6th century (Daurentius, Musokios, Ardagast and Peiragastos). Musokios is called a rex, which a title of sovereignty. There may even have been a dynasty (Idarisios and his sons, Mezamiros and Kelagastes). There is a record of a term ?Ardagast?s land?, which points to a fact that the lands which Ardagast ruled over were quite definite. The rulers exercised their authority over a certain population which is evident from the term ?subjects? used to denote the population subjected to Musokios. There is even an assumption that there was the fourth element of state, a name, which constitutes a part of the state subjects? identity. Based upon an analysis, it has been concluded that the states were named after their rulers and not after the lands or ethnic characteristics. Therefore, a conclusion can be drawn that the Sclavinias were states.

Barriers to operationalizing intersectionality in equality third sector community development practice: power, austerity, and in/equality

2019 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 139-158
Author(s):  
Ashlee Christoffersen
Keyword(s):  
Community Development ◽  
Third Sector ◽  
The State ◽  
Power Relationships ◽  
Disability Rights ◽  
Racial Justice ◽  
Third Sector Organizations ◽  
Development Face ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
Development Practice

Abstract This article explores the barriers that UK equality third sector organizations practising community development face when seeking to operationalize intersectionality. It is based on research with three networks of equality organizations (racial justice, feminist, disability rights, LGBTI rights, refugee organizations, etc.) in cities in England and Scotland employing mixed qualitative methods. Barriers to operationalizing intersectionality including power relationships with the state, challenges relating to neoliberal austerity, and competing discourses of identity-based ‘equalities’ and socioeconomic ‘inequality’ were identified. The article argues that equality third sector organizations are significantly hampered in their attempts to operationalize intersectionality by the low status they occupy vis-à-vis the state and by neoliberal austerity contexts.

scholarly journals Negotiating two worlds:

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 40-56
Author(s):  
Hanne Dewinter ◽  
Hanne Dehertog ◽  
Lucia De Haene
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Study ◽  
Gender Identity ◽  
Focus Groups ◽  
Lived Experiences ◽  
Continuous Process ◽  
The State ◽  
Religious Group ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
Gender Based

This article explores the lived experiences of Muslim youth in Belgium regarding their gender identity. Based on a qualitative study with focus groups among Moroccan Belgian youths, we examine the usefulness of studying gender identity as a dynamic construct. Gender identity is not only shaped within and through different contexts, the state of Moroccan Belgian youths negotiating between two worlds also highly complicates this construction. Gender acts as a mobilising force to legitimate borders and to differentiate from another ethnic or religious group that does not share the same practices or perceptions. Finally, processes of stereotyping, which are mainly gender-based, evoke a diversity of reactions among these youths. The aim of this article is to contribute to an understanding of the construction of gender identity as a continuous process that acquires meaning in relation to minority/majority relations in society. Directions for future research are suggested.

scholarly journals RELIGIOUS IDENTITY AND INTRODUCTION OF CHILDREN TO RELIGION IN INTERETHNIC FAMILIES (ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE REPUBLIC OF BASHKORTOSTAN)

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (6) ◽  
pp. 36-42
Author(s):  
N.V. Korovkina ◽  
◽  
E.V. Sadretdinova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Religious Identity ◽  
The State ◽  
Religious Movements ◽  
Sociological Study ◽  
Large Cities ◽  
Interethnic Marriage ◽  
Republic Of Bashkortostan ◽  
Interfaith Marriages ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
The Republic

The article reveals some results of a sociological study on the features of religious identity of spouses and social practices of children's inclusion in interethnic families (on the example of the Republic of Bashkortostan). This topic is most relevant for multi-ethnic regions, where interfaith marriages are quite common, despite the presence of isolationist attitudes among a part of the population. Marriages between representatives of various religious movements lead to the formation of a special cross-cultural environment of interaction, which requires the spouses to make many decisions, including on the confessional affiliation of children, on the choice of mechanisms for the formation of religious identity. Based on the author's research, the article analyses the state of religious identity of a resident of a multi-ethnic region in a dynamic aspect. Special attention is paid to spouses who are in an interethnic marriage. The author studies variants of religious communications, among which the dominant one is the co-existence of religions in variations from "common / unified religion" to "equality". Most of the families studied are classified as egalitarian and democratic in terms of their power structure and upbringing model. The article provides data on the state of religious identity of children raised in multi-ethnic families. The authors call traditional, psychological and educational motives for introducing children to religion the predominant ones. Based on the presented material, the authors come to the conclusion that there are two most common models of introducing children to religion in interethnic families: passive (indirect) and active religious socialization. The first model is the most popular among residents of large cities, while traditional families choose the second one.

scholarly journals How is the State Perceived as Fair? A Literature Review of Social Identity-Based Procedural Justice in the National Context

2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 138
Author(s):  
Andina Mega Larasati ◽  
Joevarian Hudiyana ◽  
Hamdi Muluk
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Social Identity ◽  
Procedural Justice ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Group Identification ◽  
The State ◽  
National Context ◽  
Legal Compliance ◽  
Domains Of Life ◽  
Identity Based

Justice is relevant in various domains of life, including the state. The social identity-based procedural justice theories (Group Value Model and Group Engagement Model) emphasize the importance of procedural justice from the authority in signaling the group’s inclusion and respect, thus increasing individuals’ cooperation and compliance. This article aims to critically review published literature using the two models in a national context, of which there were inconsistent findings regarding the role of group identification. Three issues are underlying this inconsistency. First, both models could be applied when national identity was salient, such as legal compliance (to taxation and traffic law). Second, perceived police legitimacy is a better mediator when the national identity was not salient (e. g. cooperation in counter-terrorism and crowd policing). Third, the effect of procedural justice depends on the motivation to secure identity (which is generally higher among minority/marginalized groups). As both models are strongly bound by context, the author suggests controlling police-national identity prototypicality on studies about police procedural justice, attitude toward outgroup and relational identification with the police on studies involving intergroup conflict, and uncertainty about membership status on studies toward minority groups. Hopefully, this article could contribute references and encourage related studies in Indonesia.

Epilogue

2019 ◽  
pp. 176-180
Author(s):  
Tahir Abbas
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
The Core ◽  
Current Period ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
Uncertain Future

The final chapter returns to the core themes of this book-Islamophobia and radicalization-to suggest some possible ways forward in breaking down the formidable cycle of hate, intolerance and cruelty. This concluding chapter summarizes the primary messages of this book, which have concentrated on establishing the sociological, political and ideological associations between two important concepts in the current period–Islamophobia and radicalization. The main contribution of this book has been to outline how they are interrelated but also mutually reinforcing due the interaction of global, national and local forces. In this process, the nature of Muslimness is being molded by the state, which seeks to create a moderate Muslim amenable to the idea of an identity based on ‘values’. In an uncertain future, the only inevitability is change itself.

Deconstructing d'Indy, or the Problem of a Composer's Reputation

2007 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 230-256 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jann Pasler
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Turn Of The Century ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Music School ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Political Differences ◽  
And Function ◽  
Vincent D'indy ◽  
Reputation Building

Perhaps more than any of his contemporaries in turn-of-the-century France, the composer Vincent d'Indy fashioned an identity based on opposition. Understanding the dynamic of oppositional politics, he defined himself, his music, and the music school he directed, the Schola Cantorum, through difference. This has led both his successors and his critics up through the present to associate him with defiant ultra-conservatism. However, d'Indy was also a man of alliances, alliances that served the composer and the state well. In "Deconstructing d'Indy," I throw into question the attitudes that have accumulated about him and suggest a more nuanced view of the man and his politics based on his practices, particularly before 1900. I show how he allowed government officials to use his difference to help them combat monopolies and bridge conflict with the Republic. The article argues that in misconstruing the nature and function of political differences in France and their relationship to reputation-building strategies, we risk substituting ideology and our own projections of its meaning for a composer's identity and importance in his or her times.

Strategic Violence Among Religious Parties in Pakistan

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Niloufer Siddiqui
Keyword(s):  
Minority Groups ◽  
The State ◽  
Student Groups ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
University Campuses ◽  
Western Influence ◽  
Religious Law ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
The Government ◽  
Coercive Function

Islamist parties in Pakistan are theologically diverse but grouped as such because of their belief in the state enforcement of religious law (shariah). While they have only achieved modest levels of electoral success, the country’s Islamist parties are considered important due to their ability to mobilize street power, lobby the state and judiciary from outside of parliament, and serve as key electoral allies of mainstream parties. In addition, these Islamist electoral groups employ a range of violence strategies. Many of these parties maintain militant wings, possess linkages with extremist Islamist outfits, and/or engage in violent politics on university campuses through their affiliated student groups. Existing literature suggests that violence by political parties has certain electoral benefits. First, it serves a coercive function, by intimidating voters to stay home on election day or compelling them to vote a certain way. Second, it can serve to polarize the populace along identity-based lines. However, given the limited success of Islamist parties in elections, it seems unlikely that their involvement in violence serves only an electoral purpose. In particular, much of the parties’ violent activity seems, at least at first glance, unrelated to electoral activity. Why, then, do Islamist parties utilize violence? Violence wielded by Islamist parties in Pakistan serves three functions. First, Islamist electoral groups are able to leverage their unique position as a part of the system with close linkages to militant actors outside of it to effectively pressure the state on a range of policy matters. That is, violence works to advance the party’s strategic goal of lobbying the government from outside of the legislative system. Second, the use of violence serves an ideological function by, for example, targeting specific sects and minority groups, fighting Western influence, and supporting the liberation struggle in Kashmir. The use of violence also helps prove to ideologically aligned militant actors that the parties are on “their side.” Finally, the use of violence can also serve purely electoral purposes. Like other identity-based parties, making salient a particular schism at opportune times can work to increase one’s own vote bank at the expense of other secular parties.

scholarly journals Globalizacija, tapatybės formavimas ir vietos konfliktai

2008 ◽  
Vol 45 ◽  
pp. 10-21
Author(s):  
Vibeke Andersson
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Identity Formation ◽  
Key Words ◽  
Indigenous People ◽  
The State ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
The Government ◽  
Ethnic Movements

Socialiniai judėjimai kinta priklausomai nuo jų raiškos pobūdžio kaitos: anksčiau jie buvo siejami su organizacijomis, susiformavusiomis klasinės priklausomybės pagrindu, t. y. sąjungomis ar panašiais dariniais, dabar jie persitvarko į grupes ar organizacijas, į kurias jungiamasi dėl tapatybės raiškos, pavyzdžiui, vietinių žmonių ar etninių grupių judėjimų. Tai taip pat lemia diskurso pokyčius, atkreipiančius dėmesį į tai, kad organizacijos ir judėjimai yra priversti pasireikšti ir įvardyti savo poreikius pristatydami juos valstybei ar kitiems, turintiems galią. Straipsnyje aptariami šiandieniai pokyčiai Bolivijoje, kuriuos nulėmė į organizacijas besitelkiantys koką auginantys valstiečiai, taip pat aptariamas kintantis vyriausybės diskursas 2005 metais Bolivijai išsirinkus pirmąjį vietinį prezidentą.Globalisation, identity formation and local conflictsVibeke Andersson SummarySocial movements are changing in their expression from primarily being connected to class-based organisations, i.e. unions, to identity-based organisations like indigenous or ethnic movements. This also leads to a change in the discourse, i. e. organisations and movements use to present themselves and their demands to the state and other power holders. The paper discusses this change in contemporary Bolivia by using the coca producing peasants’ organisation as an example and by discussing the changing discourse of the government after Bolivia has elected its first indigenous president in 2005.Key words: indigenous people, Bolivia, identity, social movements, rights

scholarly journals Policy-Making and Connections to Violence: A Case Study of India

2003 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marie Lounsbery ◽  
Frederic Pearson
Keyword(s):  
Policy Making ◽  
Group Identity ◽  
The State ◽  
Indian Policy ◽  
Indian Government ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
State Apparatus ◽  
Identity Based

This paper explores the role of identity-based, or discriminatory, policy in facilitating the outbreak of ethnopolitical violence in India. A discriminatory policy is the merging of communal group identity with the state apparatus. It is argued that as the Indian government enacts policies beneficial or discriminatory to particular identity groups within the country, other groups feel threatened. Groups who feel disadvantaged by the policy may begin to fear for their own security and political interests motivating them to rebel. When focusing on Indian policy and ethnopolitical violence during the period 1945 to 2000, the authors find that, although there are many cases of seemingly spontaneous episodes of violence, when identitybased policies do occur, they are often followed by violence and/or protest.

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