Strategic Violence Among Religious Parties in Pakistan

Author(s):  
Niloufer Siddiqui

Islamist parties in Pakistan are theologically diverse but grouped as such because of their belief in the state enforcement of religious law (shariah). While they have only achieved modest levels of electoral success, the country’s Islamist parties are considered important due to their ability to mobilize street power, lobby the state and judiciary from outside of parliament, and serve as key electoral allies of mainstream parties. In addition, these Islamist electoral groups employ a range of violence strategies. Many of these parties maintain militant wings, possess linkages with extremist Islamist outfits, and/or engage in violent politics on university campuses through their affiliated student groups. Existing literature suggests that violence by political parties has certain electoral benefits. First, it serves a coercive function, by intimidating voters to stay home on election day or compelling them to vote a certain way. Second, it can serve to polarize the populace along identity-based lines. However, given the limited success of Islamist parties in elections, it seems unlikely that their involvement in violence serves only an electoral purpose. In particular, much of the parties’ violent activity seems, at least at first glance, unrelated to electoral activity. Why, then, do Islamist parties utilize violence? Violence wielded by Islamist parties in Pakistan serves three functions. First, Islamist electoral groups are able to leverage their unique position as a part of the system with close linkages to militant actors outside of it to effectively pressure the state on a range of policy matters. That is, violence works to advance the party’s strategic goal of lobbying the government from outside of the legislative system. Second, the use of violence serves an ideological function by, for example, targeting specific sects and minority groups, fighting Western influence, and supporting the liberation struggle in Kashmir. The use of violence also helps prove to ideologically aligned militant actors that the parties are on “their side.” Finally, the use of violence can also serve purely electoral purposes. Like other identity-based parties, making salient a particular schism at opportune times can work to increase one’s own vote bank at the expense of other secular parties.

2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 138
Author(s):  
Andina Mega Larasati ◽  
Joevarian Hudiyana ◽  
Hamdi Muluk

Justice is relevant in various domains of life, including the state. The social identity-based procedural justice theories (Group Value Model and Group Engagement Model) emphasize the importance of procedural justice from the authority in signaling the group’s inclusion and respect, thus increasing individuals’ cooperation and compliance. This article aims to critically review published literature using the two models in a national context, of which there were inconsistent findings regarding the role of group identification. Three issues are underlying this inconsistency. First, both models could be applied when national identity was salient, such as legal compliance (to taxation and traffic law). Second, perceived police legitimacy is a better mediator when the national identity was not salient (e. g. cooperation in counter-terrorism and crowd policing). Third, the effect of procedural justice depends on the motivation to secure identity (which is generally higher among minority/marginalized groups). As both models are strongly bound by context, the author suggests controlling police-national identity prototypicality on studies about police procedural justice, attitude toward outgroup and relational identification with the police on studies involving intergroup conflict, and uncertainty about membership status on studies toward minority groups. Hopefully, this article could contribute references and encourage related studies in Indonesia.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nunung Nugroho

Undang-Undang No. l Tahun 1974 In people's lives there is still a frequent way of marriage which is a violation of Law , especially article 2 paragraph 2, namely: "Each marriage is recorded according to the applicable laws and regulations". The definition of violation in the law, known as siri marriage. In this case the law must be understood as a set of rules governing, controlling society. Law in this sense is not part of the community system, but control of the community system. Law in this sense is not part of the community system, but control of the community system. According to Gustav Radbruch law must contain three basic values, namely: 1. Value of justice (philosophical aspect). The validity of the law is justified on the basis of human philosophical beliefs. 2. Value of certainty (juridical aspect). The law is enforced because it is determined by the state (gemeenschap), namely by the government and the people's representative council. 3. Value of benefits (sociological aspects). The validity of the law is due to social reality (society as a whole). In a sociological and philosophical view, siri marriage is relatively acceptable to the community, but judicially cannot be justified because it will have an impact on the low legal awareness of the community. Marriage recording does not determine the validity of a marriage, but only states that the marriage event actually happened, so it is merely administrative. Thus, the marriage is legitimate because it is carried out in accordance with religious law but has a weakness, namely the absence of a recording as referred to in article 2 paragraph 2 of  Undang-Undang No. l Tahun 1974 . In  reality the registration of marriages brought more good than bad in living in a society, so carrying out the registration of the marriage would be in line and not in conflict with religious norms


Author(s):  
Yuval Jobani ◽  
Nahshon Perez

This chapter analyses the dominant culture view (DCV), which argues that, in any given country, majorities can legitimately advance their religious traditions and shared cultural understandings through the acts of the government, so long as such shared understandings and traditions are effectively demonstrated and present, and their advancement by the state does not violate the rights of minority groups. The dominant culture view thus identifies the state with one denomination. The chapter critically considers the DCV approach as a whole and its applicability to thick sites in general and to the Women of the Wall case in particular. The examination focuses on three assumptions of the dominant culture view approach: the existence of shared understandings, a robust tradition rooted in the past, and respect for democratic standards.


2008 ◽  
Vol 45 ◽  
pp. 10-21
Author(s):  
Vibeke Andersson

Socialiniai judėjimai kinta priklausomai nuo jų raiškos pobūdžio kaitos: anksčiau jie buvo siejami su organizacijomis, susiformavusiomis klasinės priklausomybės pagrindu, t. y. sąjungomis ar panašiais dariniais, dabar jie persitvarko į grupes ar organizacijas, į kurias jungiamasi dėl tapatybės raiškos, pavyzdžiui, vietinių žmonių ar etninių grupių judėjimų. Tai taip pat lemia diskurso pokyčius, atkreipiančius dėmesį į tai, kad organizacijos ir judėjimai yra priversti pasireikšti ir įvardyti savo poreikius pristatydami juos valstybei ar kitiems, turintiems galią. Straipsnyje aptariami šiandieniai pokyčiai Bolivijoje, kuriuos nulėmė į organizacijas besitelkiantys koką auginantys valstiečiai, taip pat aptariamas kintantis vyriausybės diskursas 2005 metais Bolivijai išsirinkus pirmąjį vietinį prezidentą.Globalisation, identity formation and local conflictsVibeke Andersson SummarySocial movements are changing in their expression from primarily being connected to class-based organisations, i.e. unions, to identity-based organisations like indigenous or ethnic movements. This also leads to a change in the discourse, i. e. organisations and movements use to present themselves and their demands to the state and other power holders. The paper discusses this change in contemporary Bolivia by using the coca producing peasants’ organisation as an example and by discussing the changing discourse of the government after Bolivia has elected its first indigenous president in 2005.Key words: indigenous people, Bolivia, identity, social movements, rights


2019 ◽  
pp. 95-99
Author(s):  
Inna Soyko

This article deals with Steshenko's practical activity as General Secretary of Education. In developing the concept of the Ukrainian school, I. Steshenko took into account the state of education and those priority tasks that were put on the agenda by the advanced Ukrainian community, educational and student groups. The researcher notes that during the development of the concept of the Ukrainian school, I. Steşhenko took into account the state of education and those priority tasks that were put on the agenda by the advanced Ukrainian community, educational and student groups, the immediate Ukrainianization of education, the creation, especially in villages, of the Ukrainian Ukrainian schools of all types, about the earliest possible introduction of compulsory general education, the release of Ukrainian-Ukrainian teachers from the military service. In accordance with the educational developments of I.Stešenko, supported by the pedagogical community and the government, already in the 1917–1918 academic year, obligatory subjects were introduced in all schools – Ukrainian language and literature, history and geography of Ukraine. According to the results of the research, the author notes that in all schools the study of subjects of Ukrainian studies in the Ukrainian language was introduced and concurrently there should be organized circles for extracurricular study of literature and history of Ukraine, and the libraries of Ukrainian literature were created. Taking into account the influence of the theater on the consciousness of youth, it was proposed to arrange Ukrainian performances regularly at schools, involving students, to hold literary and musical evenings devoted to Ukrainian writers. According to the results of the research, the scholar presents factual materials on the contribution of I. Stešenko to the development of educational institutions. With the participation of I. Steshenko in September 1917, the Ukrainian Gymnasium of the Cyril and Methodius Brotherhood was opened. In the autumn of 1917, 53 secondary schools were opened by the population, including 3 Ukrainian high schools in Kyiv. These were new educational institutions, as the resistance of the Ukrainianization of existing schools on the ground was so significant that it was easier to organize a new one. In October 1917, the Ukrainian People's University, which consisted of historic-philological, physical-mathematical and legal faculties, was opened in Kiev to meet the needs of the Ukrainian people in higher education in Kyiv. The total number of students is 1,400. In November of the same year, the second higher educational institution - Pedagogical Courses was established, which later grew into the Pedagogical Academy. The new secondary school in Ukraine appearead in Ukraine thanks to his activity. The school of that period survied different intentnces cjnnectet with hetman's rule of Seoropatskiy and Rada of Peoples Commissars and in spite of hard political period, thanks to I. M. Steshenko the school of Ukraine passed the period of formation.


2000 ◽  
pp. 20-25
Author(s):  
O. O. Romanovsky

In the second half of the nineteenth century, the nature of the national policy of Russia is significantly changing. After the events of 1863 in Poland (the Second Polish uprising), the government of Alexander II gradually abandoned the dominant idea of ​​anathematizing, whose essence is expressed in the domination of the principle of serving the state, the greatness of the empire. The tsar-reformer deliberately changes the policy of etatamism into the policy of state ethnocentrism. The manifestation of such a change is a ban on teaching in Polish (1869) and the temporary closure of the University of Warsaw. At the end of the 60s, the state's policy towards a five million Russian Jewry was radically revised. The process of abolition of restrictions on travel, education, place of residence initiated by Nicholas I, was provided reverse.


2004 ◽  
pp. 42-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Radygin

The paper deals with one of the characteristic trends of the 2000s, that is, the government's property expansion. It is accompanied by attempts to consolidate economic structures controlled by the state and state-owned stock packages and unitary enterprises under the aegis of holdings. Besides the government practices selective severe enforcement actions against a number of the largest private companies, strengthens its control over companies with mixed capital and establishes certain informal procedures of relationships between private business and the state. The author examines the YUKOS case and the business community's actual capacity to protect its interests. One can argue that in all likelihood the trend to the 'state capitalism' in its specific Russian variant has become clearer over 2003-2004.


2015 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mathews Mathew ◽  
Debbie Soon

Debates in Singapore about immigration and naturalisation policy have escalated substantially since 2008 when the government allowed an unprecedentedly large number of immigrants into the country. This essay will discuss immigration and naturalisation policy in Singapore and the tensions that have been evoked, and how these policies are a key tool in regulating the optimal composition and size of the population for the state’s imperatives. It will demonstrate that although the state has, as part of its broader economic and manpower planning policy to import labour for economic objectives, it seeks to retain only skilled labour with an exclusive form of citizenship.  Even as the Singapore state has made its form of citizenship even more exclusive by reducing the benefits that non-citizens receive, its programmes for naturalising those who make the cut to become citizens which include the recently created Singapore Citizenship Journey (SCJ) is by no means burdensome from a comparative perspective. This paper examines policy discourse and the key symbols and narratives provided at naturalisation events and demonstrates how these are used to evoke the sense of the ideal citizen among new Singaporeans. 


Author(s):  
Myroslav Kosіak ◽  
Inna Kosіak

The purpose of the article. The article considers the Blockchain technology asan innovative tool. In particular, the essence and background of the developmentof blocks, the principles and specifics of the functioning of the system, as well asthe scheme of its work, are determined. The article presents the prospects forusingdistributed registry technologies (blockchain) in various socioeconomic spheresrelated to state administration. Provided examples and forecasts of the use ofblockchain technologies in the provision of state and municipal services forindividuals and legal entities in the following areas: formation of a unified registercontaining the history of the placement of the state, municipal order, as well asprocurement of corporations with state participation and / or control; registers ofdocuments (diplomas, certificates, lost and disavowed passports, policies for movableand immovable property insurance, health, etc.); database of court decisions andexecutive proceedings; public participation portals for citizens of Ukraine district- city – country. The fact that the blockchain technology is, first of all, theprinciples, and not the only possible way of implementing them, allows us to counton maximum openness and multivariate application in a dynamically changingchanging«digital world». Methodology. The research methodology is to use a combinationof methods: analytical, historical, comparative. The scientific novelty. The priorityof state blockchain systems introduction in stationary and distant voting, distributeddocument circulation, medical data registration, land resources registration,electronic auctions (auctions) in Ukraine was grounded. Conclusions. Already today,blockchain systems can change the role and participation of citizens in the conductof the state-management process, by raising the responsibility level, from thetransparent will expression in the elections to regulating the government serviceactivity in the society’s digitization conditions. The main advantages blockchainsystems using by public authorities that will increase the level of citizens trust todigital technologies using in general, namely: reliability and reliability of datastorage, transparency of transactions and virtually absolute protection of informationfrom distortion and unauthorized removal (relocation), are determined. In furtherscientific research it is proposed to consider the promising areas of the blockchaindigital technology usage: service activities of public authorities, legal proceedings,property rights management, implementation of migration control, verification ofgoods and services, registration of data on passing qualifying tests, patenting,intellectual property, digital identification, logistics , taxation, accounting ofbudget funds movement.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 313-328
Author(s):  
Fathul Aminudin Aziz

Fines are sanctions or punishments that are applied in the form of the obligation to pay a sum of money imposed on the denial of a number of agreements previously agreed upon. There is debate over the status of fines in Islamic law. Some argue that fines may not be used, and some argue that they may be used. In the context of fines for delays in payment of taxes, in fiqh law it can be analogous to ta'zir bi al-tamlīk (punishment for ownership). This can be justified if the tax obligations have met the requirements. Whereas according to Islamic teachings, fines can be categorized as acts in order to obey government orders as taught in the hadith, and in order to contribute to the realization of mutual benefit in the life of the state. As for the amount of the fine, the government cannot arbitrarily determine fines that are too large to burden the people. Penalties are applied as a message of reprimand and as a means to cover the lack of the state budget.


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