The Ohu System of Slavery in a Northern Ibo Village-group

Africa ◽  
1954 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 311-336 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. R. G. Horton
Keyword(s):  
Average Density ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
The People ◽  
District Officer ◽  
North Eastern ◽  
Slave Traders ◽  
History Of ◽  
Opening Paragraph ◽  
The Village

Opening ParagraphThe village-group of Nike occupies an area of some 200 square miles to the immediate north-east of Enugu, capital of the Eastern Provinces of Nigeria. It comprises 24 villages with a total population of 9,600, a figure which gives the average density of the group as 48 per square mile—one of the lowest in Ibo country.Traditions in neighbouring groups, as well as in Nike itself, affirm that before the advent of the British Administration the people of Nike were the principal slave-traders in northern Ibo-land. The first mention of the group in the history of colonial Nigeria appears in an account submitted by the Assistant District Officer, Obubra, of some exploratory journeys undertaken amongst the northern Ibo in the year 1905. Remarking, with the true empire-builder's sang-froid, that ‘the whole area seems relatively quiet and well-disposed…cannibalism and human sacrifice are more or less general’, the officer encloses an interesting sketch-map of the north-eastern section of Ibo-land which shows the Nike group to have been the main trading cross-roads of the whole of this area.

Joseph-Fidele Bernard On the Bering Sea frontier (1921–1922)

Polar Record ◽  
1977 ◽  
Vol 18 (115) ◽  
pp. 341-349
Author(s):  
Glynn Barratt
Keyword(s):  
Bering Sea ◽  
Direct Contact ◽  
Final Phase ◽  
Soviet State ◽  
The Third ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
North Eastern ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Bering Sea

In a great number of articles now, Soviet historians have dealt with the attractive theme of the enormity of western, and especially American, activities on the north-eastern fringes of Siberia—activities which, starting in the 1860's, lasted for three quarters of a century. Yet, showing no disrespect to scholars of the stamp of N. Zhikharev, S. V. Bakhrushin, and M. I. Belov, through the operation of one underlying tendency all these accounts of western penetration of Chukotka may be regarded as comprising one large group. For 40 years they have tended, if not wholly to ignore the final phase of North American commercial ‘intervention’ in Chukotka in the years following 1920, then at least to place no emphasis whatever on the awkward facts, for instance, that ‘friendly direct contact between Alaska's and Chukotka's natives went on for several years’ and that some trips between the continents ‘went on until as late as 1944’. The reasons for this are not hard to find: Chukotkan history of the third decade is potentially embarrassing to Moscow. In 1921 the question of whether or not Chukotka formed a part of the Soviet state had not been settled, nor was absolute authority exercised in the remote north-east by the Bolsheviks at that point or, indeed, in 1922. Now a White Russian force would dominate an area, now a detachment of the Japanese army. Worse, there was hostility towards the Bolsheviks in Chukotka even after the demise of the anti-Bolshevik leader Bochkarev in 1923. But more embarrassing than any anti-Bolshevik or petty-bourgeois sentiment, there can be no doubt, has proved the tiresome fact that Moscow blessed the trips to Anadyr' and other points on the Chukotkan littoral made by western schooner masters. Here is the rub: for the new government ‘found it convenient to encourage some American traders to continue, because the Government's own communications with Chukotka were so uncertain’.

The Place of the North-Eastern Transvaal Sotho in the South Bantu Complex

Africa ◽  
1938 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 265-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eileen Jensen Krige
Keyword(s):  
Total Population ◽  
The West ◽  
North West ◽  
Effective Barrier ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
North Eastern ◽  
Game Reserve ◽  
Olifants River ◽  
Opening Paragraph

Opening ParagraphThe Sotho of the North-Eastern Transvaal Lowveld occupy an area with fairly well-marked geographical boundaries. To the east, the Game Reserve, low-lying, unhealthy, very sparsely populated even in the old days, remains an effective barrier to contact with and further migrations from the Shangana-Tonga of Portuguese East Africa. South are the Olifants River and the towering Drakensberg range curving north-west then northwards to merge into the well-marked escarpment on the west dividing Lowveld from Highveld. On the north the Klein Letaba river roughly demarcates our area from the Venda and the Shangana-Tonga of the Knobnose Location. The Sotho-speaking Venda of Tswale and Moila, who fall well within this area, resemble in culture their Sotho-ized neighbours more than their own Venda kin to the north; but the Shangana- Tonga, who occupy most of the lower-lying eastern and north-eastern portion of the area and comprise at least one-third of its total population, are unassimilated strangers of different stock coming from the north-east and east. They have been entering since about 1840, usually in small bands, at first seeking the protection of and subjecting themselves to the Sotho owners of the land. On the arrival of the white man, some of their headmen were granted independent locations which have served as nuclei for the building up of more united tribal groups. (See accompanying map.)

scholarly journals «Terek stockaded town, Terek redoubt, Terki?...» (the role of Terek in the history of the North-Eastern Caucasus in the XVI-XVII centuries)

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-131
Author(s):  
Nina Nurmagomedovna Garunova ◽  
Irina Anatolievna Suzdaltseva ◽  
Lilia Nadipovna Galimova
Keyword(s):  
Reference Points ◽  
Left Bank ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
Initial Stage ◽  
Russian State ◽  
North Eastern ◽  
History Of ◽  
The City

This article examines the history of the disappeared Russian settlement-fortress, which refers to the period XVI-XVIII centuries. In earlier sources the city was called the redoubt of the Terek, the Terek fortress, sometimes there is a shorter name -Grater. Later they began to use the name Terek the city, represents the city and fortress near the mouth of the Terek, not far from the now not-existing of the river Tyumenka. In the modern period is the territory of the left Bank of the Old Terek to the North-East of the city of Kizlyar, Republic of Dagestan. Criticized the attempts to identify the history of the two fortresses: Walled town and Floats, as well as their role at the initial stage in the formation of Russian population of Dagestan. Characterized by the influence of the process of renewal of the Cossacks in military servicemen estate on the historical development of areas North-Eastern Caucasus. Attention is paid to issues such as the existence of different versions of the city name, the location where divergent opinions of researchers. Emphasis is placed on the role of the Terek city as the southern Outpost of the Russian state, the conductor's Caucasus policy on the North-Eastern Caucasus. The analysis of the problem, which allowed us to consider the integration of the provincial regions in the periphery of the Russian state in the South of the country, and analyzed the development of reference points to spread the influence of Russia in the XVI-XVII centuries.

scholarly journals THE RESIDENTS OF KARAGACH VILLAGE AND THEIR DESCENDANTS

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
И.Т. Марзоев
Keyword(s):  
Objective Assessment ◽  
Historical Event ◽  
Central State ◽  
The North ◽  
The People ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Social Demographic ◽  
The Village ◽  
North Ossetia

Статья посвящена малоизвестному и табуированному в советской историографии сюжету — разгрому селения Карагач в 1918 году. Основанный привилегированными фамилиями баделят во второй половине XVIII в. на равнинных землях Дигорского общества Северной Осетии, Карагач подвергся красному террору в его жесточайших проявлениях, без всякой оглядки не только на ментальные установки и обычное право народа, но и на общечеловеческие представления о гуманности. Суть «забытого» историей события заключалась в том, что в ночь 4 декабря 1918 г. на селение напали большевики-керменисты, разгромили и сожгли дома. Среди жителей Карагача было много убитых и раненных, в том числе глубокие старики, а уцелевшие были вынуждены искать убежище в других осетинских обществах, за пределами Осетии и России. Цель настоящего исследования — дать всестороннюю и объективную оценку исторического события, определить его политические, социальные, демографические и другие последствия, проследить судьбу потомков переселенцев посредством генеалогических разысканий. В работе использованы материалы Центрального государственного архива Республики Северная Осетия-Алания, полевой биографический и фотоматериал жителей Карагача. В научный оборот вводится новый источник из Научного архива СОИГСИ — «Протокол старшины Карагачского прихода 3-го участка Владикавказского округа Асланбека Дашиева от 1 февраля 1919 г.», который содержит обстоятельное описание разгрома Карагача. В результате исследования впервые дана научная оценка описываемого события, что существенно дополняет историю Гражданской войны в Осетии, а также способствует более глубокому и обновленному исследованию генеалогии осетинских фамилий. The article is devoted to the little-known and tabooed plot in the Soviet historiography — the demolition of the village of Karagach in 1918. Karagach, founded by privileged families in the second half of the XVIIIth century on the lowlands of the Digor Society of North Ossetia, was exposed to the red terror in its most severe manifestations, without any regard not only for mental attitudes and the common law of the people, but also for universal concepts of humanity. The event «forgotten» by history took place during the night of December 4, 1918, when the Bolshevik Kermenists attacked the village, levelled or burned the houses. Among the inhabitants of Karagach many were killed or wounded, including very old people, and the survivors were forced to seek refuge in other Ossetian communities outside Ossetia and Russia. The purpose of this study is to give a comprehensive and objective assessment of the historical event, to determine its political, social, demographic and other consequences, to trace the fate of the descendants of the immigrants through genealogical research. In this work, materials from the Central State Archive of the Republic of North Ossetia-Alania, field data, biographical and photographic materials of Karagach residents were used. A new source from the Scientific Archive of the North Ossetian Institute for Humanitarian and Social Studies — «Protocol of the elders of the Karagach parish of the 3rd section of the Vladikavkaz district of Aslanbek Dashiev February 1, 1919» is introduced into the scientific circulation, which contains a detailed description of the destruction of Karagach. As a result of the study, scientific assessment of the described event was given for the first time, which significantly complements the history of the Civil War in Ossetia, and also contributes to a more in-depth and updated study of the genealogy of the Ossetian families.

A Homestead Moat at Nuthampstead, Hertfordshire

1946 ◽  
Vol 26 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 138-144
Author(s):  
Audrey Williams
Keyword(s):  
Outer Edge ◽  
Royal Commission ◽  
The South ◽  
North West ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
North Eastern ◽  
Ancient Monuments ◽  
The Village ◽  
Western Half

A small moated site in Scales Park near the village of Nuthampstead, Hertfordshire (fig. 1), has lately been examined by the Ancient Monuments Department of the Ministry of Works. It lies just within the Hertfordshire-Essex boundary, four miles north-east of Buntingford and eight miles north-west of Bishop's Stortford. On the O.S. 6-in. sheet (Herts. 9 NE.) it is marked as The Warren, but not as an antiquity; nor is it included among the 139 homestead moats recorded for the county by the Royal Commission.Scales Park comprises something over 400 acres of well-grown woodland on the plateau which forms the watershed of the rivers Stort and Quin, both flowing south to join eventually the Thames. Its height above sea-level is 450 ft. on the northwest, declining gently to 400 ft. on the east and south. Geologically the area consists of chalky clay over the chalk.The moat of the Warren, enclosing an approximately square island about a quarter of an acre in size, varied in width from 10 to 25 ft. and at the time of excavation was filled with black boggy silt. Round its outer edge ran a low much-spread bank, 20 to 30 ft. wide but not more than 2 ft. high. The enclosure presented a puzzling combination of mounds and hollows. A large mound, 9 ft. 6 in. high, on a raised platform occupied the north-eastern half. The south-western half had centrally a similar platform, 5 ft. above the surface of the moat, with flanking mounds, 6 and 7 ft. high, at the corners (pl. xxiv b). The cavities between the mounds were practically level with the moat; slight ridges barred the western hollow and the south end of the eastern hollow.

India: History—Pre-Modern and Modern India: Balakrjshna Govind Gokhale: Surat in the Seventeenth Century: A Study of Urban History of Prc-Modern India. Popular Prakashan, Bombay, 1979, 222p., Rs. 100.

1982 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-238
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Urban History ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
North Eastern ◽  
British Policy ◽  
History Of

INDIA: History—Pre-Modern and Modern India: BALAKRISHNA GOVIND GOKHALE: Surat in the Seventeenth Century : A Study of Urban History of Pre-Modern India. PARSHOTAM MEHRA: The North-Eastern Frontier: A Documentary Study of the Internecine Rivalry Between India, Tibet and China. MANI LAL BOSE: British Policy in the North-East Frontier Agency.

The North-East Can Make It. Post-war Design Exhibitions at the Laing Art Gallery (Newcastle)

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laia Anguix
Keyword(s):  
Local Economy ◽  
Art Gallery ◽  
Widespread Application ◽  
Graphic Arts ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
Creative Solutions ◽  
North Eastern ◽  
History Of ◽  
Post War

Abstract In 1945, CB Stevenson, curator of the Laing Art Gallery (Newcastle-upon-Tyne, UK), predicted a crisis in the local economy in connection with the changes that the city’s industries underwent during the Second World War. He felt that the Laing could provide creative solutions to the crisis by ‘drawing attention to the importance of good design and craftsmanship in our manufactures’ and by showing ‘the widespread application of art to things of everyday life’.1 Between 1945 and the curator’s death in 1957, the Laing held over twenty design-related exhibitions intended to illustrate the connection between art and industry and to share ‘what the North could make’, following the path opened by the exhibition Britain Can Make it, held in London in 1946.2 This article brings attention to the Laing’s commitment to exhibit transnational and local crafts, graphic arts and industrial design and to support North-Eastern industries within the challenging post-war context. This narrative counteracts the dominant London-based history of British design by offering a case study that evidences the role played by regional art galleries in the promotion of modern design.

scholarly journals XXXIX. The lignites and clays of Bovey Tracey, Devonshire

1862 ◽  
Vol 152 ◽  
pp. 1019-1038 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Far East ◽  
Left Bank ◽  
The South ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
South West ◽  
North Eastern ◽  
The Village ◽  
Western Portion ◽  
North Western

The little town or village of Bovey Tracey, in Devonshire, nestles at the foot of Dartmoor, very near its north-eastern extremity; it is situated on the left bank of the river Bovey, about two miles and a half above the point at which it falls into the Teign, and is about eleven miles from each of the towns Exeter, Torquay, and Totnes*,—bearing south-westerly from the first, north-westerly from the second, and northerly from the last. A considerable plain stretches away from it in a south-easterly direction, having a length of six miles from a point about a mile west of Bovey to another nearly as far east of Newton; its greatest breadth, from Chudleigh Bridge on the north-east to Blackpool on the south-west, is four miles. It forms a lake-like expansion of the valleys of the Teign and Bovey rivers, especially the latter, whose course it may be said to follow in the higher part, where it is most fully developed; whilst the Teign constitutes its axis below the junction of the two streams. Its upper, or north-western portion, immediately adjacent to the village, is known as “Bovey Heathfield,” and measures about 700 acres.

scholarly journals Crimean Gothia in the First Half of the 13th Century

2021 ◽  
pp. 56-68
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Aibabin
Keyword(s):  
Southern Coast ◽  
13Th Century ◽  
The North ◽  
North Eastern ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Village ◽  
The City ◽  
Archaeological Excavations ◽  
Written Sources

Introduction. The toponym Gothia in written sources from the 8th century was used to designate the territory of the Mountain Crimea inhabited by the Alans and the Goths between Inkerman and the north-eastern suburb of Alushta. The same region was called the Klimata of Cherson and the Klimata of Gothia. Methods. Fragmentary information about Gothia is contained in the “Synopsis of St. Eugenios” compiled by John Lazaropoulos until 1364 and in the “Alanian Epistle” by the bishop Theodore. These works describe the same period in the history of the Gothic Klimata, 1223–1227 and 1223, respectively. Analysis. The considered evidence confirms the entry of Cherson and its subordinate Klimata of Gothia into the empire of Trebizond, at least in the first half of the 13th century. It is methodically incorrect to judge the situation in the Klimata in the first half of the 13th century from the descriptions contained in later sources of what happened in the 14th–15th centuries. The “Epistle” says about the flight of bishop Theodore to an Alanian village neighboring to Cherson. Supporters of identifying the village with the Qırq-Yer fortress remote from the city on the Chufut-Kale plateau ignore geographical and historical realities. Results. There is no evidence of the existence of single-ethnic Gothic and Alanian regions in the mountains and on the southern coast in written sources. In Sudak, Guillaume de Rubrouck was talked about speakers of Teutonic and other languages in the mountains of Crimea. Historian’s allegations about the division of Gothia into two principalities are disproved by the results of archaeological excavations in the territory of Klimata of Gothia. The toponym Klimata is not mentioned in the descriptions of events that occurred after the middle 13th century. However, archaeological excavations of cities on the Inner Ridge revealed the preservation of active and diverse life activities of the population of the region until the end of the 13th century. Probably, the history of the administrative formation of the Klimata of Gothia was interrupted in 1298/99, when Nogai’s troops destroyed Cherson, cities on the Eski-Kermen plateau, Bakla and others.

scholarly journals THE ORIGIN OF QUBA KHANS: NEW VERSION

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 132-148
Author(s):  
Bedirhan E. Eskenderov
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Comparative Method ◽  
Unknown Origin ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
The People ◽  
History Of ◽  
First Dynasty ◽  
The 19Th Century

The article examines the origin of the rulers of the Quba Khanate, which was located in the North-East of the modern Azerbaijan Republic. A.-K. Bakikhanov in his work "Golestan-e Eram" states that the Quba khans were direct descendants of the yangikent line of the kaitag utsmi, to which the Quba khanate was handed over to the hereditary possession of the Shah of Persia. Basing on the book by Bakikhanov, a well-known scholar-caucasiologist A.P. Berzhe deduced the ancestry of the Quba khans with indication of dates of birth and death of members of their family.The application of the comparative method of studying the sources about the Quba khans and all the peripeteias of their appearance and rule reveals significant differences both in the history of their rule and in the dates of life and death of several members of the khan family with the data given by A. K. Bakikhanov and A.P. Berzhe.As a result of the critical analysis of the sources, it was possible to find out both the controversial nature of the circumstances of the appearance in the Quba territory described in Golestan-e Eram and the failure of Bakikhanov's theory on the continuous rule of a single dynasty in Quba until the elimination of the khanate by the Russian power in the 19th century. The study revealed that the Quba khanate was ruled not by one but by two dynasties. The first dynasty was of an unknown origin, possibly presented by the people from Kaitag utsmi's line. However, it was discontinued at the very beginning of the 18th century. The new dynasty was replaced by another one, the ancestor of which, according to legends, was a certain “Lezgi Ahmed”. The second dynasty ruled until the beginning of the 19th century, after which the khans' rule in Quba was over. Unfortunately, some of the issues of interest remain unanswered, as we could not find any information that sheds light on them.

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