The Social Structure of Modern Bamako

Africa ◽  
1965 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claude Meillassoux

Opening ParagraphAccording to a partial census taken in 1960, Bamako city has about 130,000 inhabitants. Small by Western standards, it is still by far the largest city in Mali. At the time of the French conquest Bamako had only between 800 and 1,000 inhabitants; it was the capital of a Bambara chiefdom, grouping about thirty villages on the north bank of the Niger river, with a total of about 5,000 people. The ruling dynasty was that of the Niaré, who, according to their traditions, came from the Kingi eleven generations ago (between 1640 and 1700). For defence against the neighbours and armed slave-raiders fortifications were built around the town and a permanent army of so-fa (horsemen) was raised. Soon after its foundation Bamako attracted Moslem Moors from Twat who settled as marabouts and merchants under the protection of the Niaré's warriors. Among them, the Twati (later to be called Touré) and the Dravé became, alongside and sometimes in competition with the Niaré, the leading families.

1940 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 334-335
Author(s):  
Vladimar Alfred Vigfusson

In recent years, the attention of some archaeologists has been directed to the Canadian Northwest with the expectation of finding some evidence or indication of the early migrations of man on this continent. That man reached North America by Bering Strait from Asia, is generally accepted, but the theory that the migrations took place in late Pleistocene times and by way of an open corridor between the Keewatin ice and the Rockies, requires confirmation. It is significant that Folsom and Yuma points from Saskatchewan, described by E. B. Howard, were found mainly in areas bordering the ancient glacial Lake Regina.As a further contribution to this problem, it seems desirable to present a brief description of a carved stone relic found in gravel in central Saskatchewan about three years ago.The stone was found about seven miles southeast of the town of D'Arcy in a gravel pit located on Sec. 9, Tp. 28, Rge. 18, W. 3rd Meridian, on the north bank of a ravine running east into Bad Lake.


2021 ◽  
pp. 102452942110113
Author(s):  
Luke Telford

Based on 52 qualitative interviews with working-class individuals, this paper explores the social and economic decline of a coastal locale referred to as High Town in Teesside in the North East of England. First, the paper outlines how the locality expanded as a popular seaside resort under capitalism’s post-war period. It then assesses how the seaside existed together with industrial work, offering stable employment opportunities, economic security and a sense of community. Next, the article documents the shift to neoliberalism in the 1980s, specifically the decline of High Town’s seaside resort, the deindustrialization process and therefore the 2015 closure of High Town’s steelworks. It explicates how this exacerbated the locale’s economic decline through the loss of industrial work’s ‘job for life’, its diminishing popularity as a coastal area and the further deterioration of the town centre. The paper concludes by suggesting that High Town has lost its raison d’être under neoliberalism and faces difficulties in revival.


Author(s):  
Peter Thomson

The Barguzin River flows out of the Barguzin Mountains, through the town of Barguzin and then the coastal community of Ust-Barguzin before it finally loses itself in a broad cove of Baikal known as Barguzin Bay. The only way across the river for miles upstream from the lake is a ramshackle little wooden ferry with a tiny, corrugated steel shed with a wood stove in it and room on its deck for about half a dozen cars. The ferry slips noiselessly away from the end of the road on the south bank, and looking west toward the lake, two ghostly, rusting timber loading cranes loom on the horizon while the river spills over into a grassy marsh on its north bank. Turning back to the east, there’s a small motorboat laboring to get upstream—laboring because it’s attached to a tow rope, which is attached to the ferry. The ferry, it turns out, is just a hapless little barge, at the mercy of the river without the guidance of the motorboat pilot on the other end of the towline. Our crossing takes less than five minutes, and connected to it by nothing but that single strand, the pilot directs the barge into place perfectly on the far side. But the deckhand fails to secure it, the ferry swings wide in the current, spins ninety degrees, and slams butt-end into the dock. The pilot scowls as he turns the motorboat around and uses its blunt bow, covered in a tractor tire, to push the barge back into place, where the deckhand finally lashes it to the dock. The Barguzin is Baikal’s third largest tributary, after the Selenga to the south of here and the Upper Angara to the north. It carries about six percent of the water flowing into the lake, along with migratory fish like omul and sturgeon, born in the shallow gravel beds upriver before wandering downstream to spend most of their lives in the lake. And even though it flows through only two towns between its headwaters and the lake, the Barguzin carries a significant pollution load into Baikal, as well, especially organic chemicals from timber operations.


1853 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-217
Author(s):  
James D. Forbes

The following remarks, being the result of a careful examination of a small district of country characteristic of the relations of the trap formations, are perhaps worthy of being recorded; although the general features of the county of Roxburgh have been very clearly stated in a paper by Mr Milne, published in the 15th volume of the Edinburgh Transactions.The outburst of porphyritic trap forming the conspicuous small group of the Eildon Hills, may be stated to be surrounded by the characteristic greywacke of the south of Scotland. It forms an elongated patch on the map, extending from the west end of Bowden Muir in the direction of the town of Selkirk, and running from west-south-west to east-north-east (true) towards Bemerside Hill, on the north bank of the Tweed. The breadth is variable, probably less than is generally supposed; but it cannot be accurately ascertained, owing to the accumulated diluvium which covers the whole south-eastern slope of this elevated ridge. On this account, my observations on the contact of rocks have been almost entirely confined to the northern and western boundaries of the trap, although the other side was examined with equal care.


1977 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 385-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael L. Conniff

In the 1530’s, as Mexico and then Peru began sending eastward the treasure which would so profoundly affect European life, the town of Guayaquil was established on the coast of present-day Ecuador. During the next three centuries Guayaquil developed into a society fundamentally different from and even antithetical to those of the great highland capitals. Agriculture, industry, and commerce, rather than mining, became the mainstays of Guayaquil’s economy. The decline of indigenous population on the coast and an influx of free Negroes from the north rendered an egalitarian and racially mixed people of low social differentiation. Cacao grown on the coastal lowlands provided the thrust for a wide range of trade and manufacturing activities. Yet tensions between location on a main imperial trade route and the stifling commercial control of nearby Lima resolved into a rough-and-tumble political system which thrived on contraband and autonomy. By the early nineteenth century Guayaquil had achieved a large measure of independence from Spain, and it played an important role in the liberation movements of western South America. After sketching the early development of the city, we will examine in some detail the system of labor and production in Guayaquil during the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Then the city’s precocious autonomy within the colonial system will be discussed, prior to a concluding assessment of the social outcomes of Guayaquil’s development by the time of Independence.


Africa ◽  
1943 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 124-129 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Brownlee

Opening ParagraphWith some previous knowledge of these people I had expected to ascertain on inquiry that they had a set if simple form of government and something more or less regular in their group and tribal organization, whereas I find that there is no cohesion or co-operation between groups or collections of groups, chieftainship hardly exists, and there is little or nothing in the way of a judicial system. What may have been custom seems to have been replaced to a great extent by habit and impulse, the interest of the individual is paramount to the exclusion of the good of the community—in short their mode of life, in spite of what may be said cf co-operative food quest, is the most complete expression of individualism, and any man who in astuteness and cunning, bravery and endurance, or in other similar qualities shows himself to be ahead of his fellows becomes their unacknowledged leader.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 51-65
Author(s):  
Rosario Violeta Grijalva Salazar

This research demonstrated the important contribution of mining to the welfare of communities, emphasizing its disproportionate contribution in terms of taxes and other payments to the state. Taking into account that the state, through the public treasury, is in charge of administering, disposing and distributing. At the same time, the execution of expenses is done inefficiently and wasted by the capacity of the sector's institutions, so a deep evaluation should be made, since such contribution of the mining companies is important for the social welfare of the communities, because they are in total poverty. There is discontent in the communities that are involved in the conflicts of income distribution resulting from the extractive companies and there is inequality in the distribution of income in the provinces and districts. In Peru, mining companies have been sources of wealth and rational enrichment where the population is involved, so mining companies have become involved in the environment contamination in the different departments. Peru is rich in minerals, due to the development of mining activities in various regions, so It will only study the provinces of Ancash. Some of the districts are San Maquino is located to the east of the Mosna river, province of Huari. To the north is the Carash River. The town of San Marcos is right where the Carash flows into the Mosna. The Carash basin, where there are several communities including Ango Raju and Carhuayoc, is therefore directly linked to the mining activities of Antamina associated with the arrival of the mining canon fraction of income tax paid by Antamina that suddenly and dramatically increased the municipal coffers so that the Municipality of San Marcos and provinces and other districts there are no improvements in roads, education and sanitation.


Author(s):  
Fabrício Prado

The Rio de la Plata was one of the most disputed regions in the Atlantic world among Portuguese, Spanish, and indigenous groups, and it was an area of interest for the British and French. Despite geopolitical disputes over the north bank of the Rio de la Plata, Portuguese Colonia do Sacramento, and Spanish Buenos Aires and Montevideo formed an important port complex where powerful networks of trade, religion, and family connected subjects of the Spanish and the Portuguese empires. Colonia do Sacramento and Montevideo became important Atlantic ports that connected the region to Europe, Africa, and other regions in the Americas. This article examines the social, economic and political dynamics in the Rio de la Plata, focusing on the role of port cities as centers of trans-imperial interaction that not only connected subjects of both Spanish and Portuguese empires but also linked the region to the broader Atlantic world.


Africa ◽  
1955 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 252-260 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Middleton

Opening ParagraphIn this paper I consider some Lugbara notions about witches, ghosts, and other agents who bring sickness to human beings. I do not discuss the relationship of these notions, and the behaviour associated with them, to the social structure. The two aspects, ideological and structural, are intimately connected, but it is possible to discuss them separately: on the one hand, to present the ideology as a system consistent within itself and, on the other, to show the way in which it is part of the total social system. Here I attempt only the former.


Africa ◽  
1961 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. I. Jones

Opening ParagraphThis paper is concerned with the North Eastern Ibo and specifically with its four principal tribes, the Ezza, Ikwo, Izi, and Ngbo. I hope to show by a comparison of the structure of these four tribes with that of more typical Ibo tribes that distinctive features of their social structure are the result of a modification of this typical structure in response to the conditions of a new environment.


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