The Structure of Titled Offices among the Abutia Ewe

Africa ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michel Verdon

Opening ParagraphThe Abutia Ewe form one of what the British colonial administrators dubbed the ‘traditional areas’, over one hundred of which are said to compose the Ewe people or Eweland. These Ewe traditional areas lie in the southern half of the Volta Region (in Ghana) and in southern Togo. Although much has been written about the Ewe, little is known about the political organisation of the inland areas, north of the coastal savanna. In fact, most authors have treated the Ewe as if they were thoroughly homogeneous and could be analysed as one ethnic group or one society, only acknowledging variations between the north and south, not considered significant enough to make them completely different groups (Spieth 1906; 1911; Westermann 1935; Ward 1949; Manoukian 1952; Nukunya 1969; Friedländer 1962; Asamoa 1971 amongst many others). And yet I contend that the northern areas are as distinct from the southern ones as they are from the Akan populations. As a result, none of the present available literature is particularly useful as a paradigmatic model of the northern areas' political organisation.

Africa ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. P. Caplan

Opening ParagraphIn the north of Mafia Island, the rites surrounding the circumcision of boys and the first menstruation of girls are no longer, if indeed they ever were, universally performed. This article attempts to explain this situation, and in so doing, draws on some of Turner's work on symbolism. In particular, his distinction between different levels of meaning expressed by symbols—the exegetical, the operational and the positional (1962)—is followed in a discussion of the political implications of performance or rejection of the rites.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-171
Author(s):  
S. A. Voronin ◽  
E. A. Bakina

In 2005, the so-called Tulip Revolution took place in Kyrgyzstan. In terms of form and content, the events that took place in Kyrgyzstan fully fit into the concept of protest movements (velvet, melon, jasmine and other revolutions) that unfolded at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries. The start to such “revolutions” aimed at changing the regime was given in 1953, when the Prime Minister of Iran Mossadyk was removed from power during the coup d’etat, which was supervised by the CIA. An analysis of the events in Kyrgyzstan showed that behind the coup that led to the overthrow of President Askar Akayev, there were external forces coordinating their efforts in accordance with the methodological recommendations of the American technologist of political coups Gene Sharpe. However, external actions, for all their significance, did not become the main cause of the Tulip Revolution, but acted only as a catalyst. Over the centuries, in Kyrgyzstan there has been a complex of internal contradictions between various political groups, which became the detonator of a political cataclysm in 2005. One of the most significant internal causes of the political crisis of 2005 was the clan rivalry of the North and South in the struggle for power. The clan hierarchy has been the foundation of the political systems of Central Asia for centuries; Kyrgyzstan was no exception. The article is devoted to the consideration of the mechanism of the clan hierarchy, the analysis of political competition between the North and the South, the role and importance of clans during the 2005 coup.


1989 ◽  
Author(s):  
Constantin Antonakis

The appearance of the new parliamentary life within the european parliament elected by direct universal franchise in june 1979. The first two turns of office saw the emergence of new political currents of european size. Via the ups and downs of european integration and the economic questions which are the community's member one concern, the new political european parliamentary game, determined by national interests and the decline of the ideological factor, comes to the fore. At least that's what the political powers of the north and south of the community put forward based on their national choices. Whereas the parliament demands an important role in the institutional system, the new european political system is looking more and more like the american model.


Author(s):  
Catherine McNicol Stock

Since colonial times, farmers and other rural men and women have organized to protect their livelihoods and communities from the powerful interests of centralized governments, big banks, and large corporations. In protests movements spanning from Shays Rebellion in Massachusetts to the Farmers Holiday Association in Iowa, rural people agitated for control over local politics and for reforms to the political and economic system that would protect their interests. The Populist Party of the late nineteenth century is among the most important of these groups, as farmers in the north and south came together to create a new kind of political community.


Africa ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 280-292 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michel Verdon

Opening ParagraphThe Abutia Ewe formed one of the colonial administrative ‘Divisions’ of Eweland under a so-called ‘traditional ruler’, the Divisional or Paramount Chief (fiagã). These Ewe Divisions are located in the southern half of the Volta Region (Ghana) and in southern Togo. Every Division is composed of a number of villages, each headed by a ‘Sub-divisional Chief’ (dufia). Only three villages are found in Abutia: Teti, Agove and Kloe. The fiagã or Divisional Chief comes from Teti.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pilar Clariana ◽  
Ruth Soto ◽  
Conxi Ayala ◽  
Aina Margalef ◽  
Antonio Casas-Sainz ◽  
...  

<p>The characterization of the basement architecture of the Pyrenean Axial Zone, backbone of the chain, is crucial to understand its geodynamic evolution and the interplay between tectonism and magmatism. In this work, a new gravity-constrained cross section was built along the Central Pyrenees, between two of the largest Pyrenean Late Variscan granitic complexes, La Maladeta and Andorra-Mont Louis granites, to infer the geometry at depth of the basement host rocks. This cross section is ca. 65 km long and extends from the Mesozoic Bóixols basin in the South to the Late Variscan Bassiès granite to the North, close to the northern end of the Axial Zone. It is based on available geological maps, previous published works and new geological field data; together with newly acquired gravimetric stations (1141), to improve the existent spatial resolution of the gravity data from the databases of the Spanish and Catalan Geological Surveys, and density values from 65 rock samples covering all different lithologies in the cross section. Thus, its geometry at depth is constrained by means of an integrated 2.5D gravity/structural/petrophysical modelling.</p><p>The La Maladeta and Andorra-Mont Louis granites appear aligned in a WNW-ESE direction and both lie within the same Alpine basement unit, the Orri thrust sheet. They are separated about 40 km by the WNW-ESE-oriented Llavorsí syncline, formed by Devonian and Silurian rocks and limited to the north and south by south vergent thrusts. This syncline is located between two large Cambro-Ordovician anticlinorium structures, the La Pallaresa and Orri massifs to the north and south respectively, formed by a monotonous alternation of shales and sandstones with some intercalations of limestones and conglomerates affected by very low to medium grade of metamorphism. Most structures show southern vergence along the cross section, and its southern part is characterized by the occurrence of Triassic evaporites, a significant detachment level decoupling deformation between the Paleozoic basement and the Mesozoic-Cenozoic cover rocks.</p><p>The observed residual anomaly along the cross section shows a relative maximum, coinciding with the southern edge of the Axial Zone (Nogueras Zone) and southern half of the Orri massif, followed to the north by a relative large minimum. This gravity minimum in the core of the Axial Zone coincides with the northern half of the Orri massif, the Llavorsí syncline and southern half of the La Pallaresa massif and must be related at depth with rocks of lower density with respect to rocks located to the North and South. Two possible solutions have been postulated to explain the presence of lower density rocks: (i) the presence of Triassic evaporites at depth as a continuation to the North of the Triassic evaporites outcropping in the Rialp window located to the South and/or (ii) the presence of buried granitic bodies equivalent to the adjacent La Maladeta and Andorra-Mont Louis granites.</p>


Prospects ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 107-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert A. Fanuzzi

The political agenda of William Lloyd Garrison and his adherents within the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society (MASS) can be reconstructed with the rhetoric and practices of print culture, starting with its assumption that the prospects for the slaves' emancipation waxed and waned with the proliferation of writing. In the mid-1830s, the MASS mailed antislavery publications in mass quantities to civic leaders, newspaper editors, and post offices in both the North and South. In 1837 alone, it issued 711, 277 publications, which Garrison noted were falling “thicker than raindrops … nourishing the soil of freedom.” Although their publicity campaign elicited a hostile reaction from political officials, newspaper editors, and most infamously, violent mobs, the abolitionists persisted. A typical budget for the MASS allotted far more money to printing and distribution than any other expenditure, including the remuneration of their often imperiled traveling agents.


2020 ◽  
pp. 139-149
Author(s):  
Manuel Pantigoso Pecero

ResumenEl estudio se inicia con el contenido político y social de la “República Aristocrática” (1899-1919) destacando el ideario y los principales escritores de las generaciones del Novecientos, del Centenario y del 30-36 para luego ubicar la cruzada nacionalista de Valdelomar, desde sus primeros impulsos hasta las giras exitosas por el norte y sur del país, especificando los temas transversales de sus conferencias: el amor a la patria, los valores, la educación, el arte y la estética, el autodidactismo.Palabras clave: Bicentenario, generaciones, integración, patriotismo, educación. Abstract:This paper starts with the political and social context of the Aristocratic Republic (1899-1919), enhancing the main writers and their ideas from the Nine Hundreds Generation, the Centenary Generation and the generations from 1930 to 1936. Afterwards, the nationalist quest of the author Abraham Valdelomar will be developed from his first impetus to his successful tours in both the north and south of the country. The transversal topics of his lectures (love for one’s homeland, values, education, art, aesthetic and self-learning) will be stated.Keywords: Bicentenary, generations, integration, patriotism, education.


Stanovnistvo ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 21-42
Author(s):  
Cecilia Reynaud ◽  
Enrico Tucci

From the second half of the 1990s, mobility appears to have changed profoundly from the great migrations of the 1960s, for two main reasons: firstly, the rise in short-range mobility; and secondly, the strong increase in attraction by geographical areas in Central and above all North-eastern Italy. In more recent years, the evolution of internal mobility has changed again, with a further fall coupled with a loss of attractiveness for some Central and Northern areas. The recent evolution of mobility could suggest that the large divide between the North and South is closing. However, this is not entirely the case, as differences in mobility by geographical area continued to remain and in some cases even increased. In fact, this analysis allows us to show how population loss from the South of Italy has actually risen. This study aims to focus on the evolution of the phenomenon in individual geographical areas and the varying levels of migration between the different genders and age classes. While we are clearly not facing a new boom in out-migration from the South, it is true that out-migration is continuing and represents a serious loss of human capital in this area.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Taiwo Akanbi Olaiya

This article diagnostically examined the several competing perspectives on the beleaguered nature of intergovernmental relations in Nigeria. Tracing the evolution of intergovernmental relation in Nigeria and espousing its legal, political and governance antecedents, the paper hazarded the undercurrent for the lingering conflicts between the center and the component units. The article also critically analyzed the impacts of the erstwhile British colonial strategy of division into regions as a means for administering the country and exploration of the mineral endowments in the 1950s on the composition and the current nature of predatory power that the center currently wields, much to the detriments and underfunding of the component units in the federation. The paper found evidences to showcase that because the British colonialists unduly queered the political pitch by allocating more seats to the North than to each of the other two regions at the center, intergovernmental relations in Nigeria has been quite contentious. If anything, a mutual suspicion between the North-dominated Federal Government and the Southern component units became a logical end. We concluded, among others, that notwithstanding the ample provisions in the 1999 Constitution for veritable intergovernmental relationship in Nigeria, there are still the intricate issues of regional domination of the center, leading to lack of political will to induce proper constitutional implementations.


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