The Personnel of French Cabinets, 1871–1930

1931 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 389-396 ◽  
Author(s):  
John G. Heinberg

From the election of the National Assembly in February, 1871, to the fall of the Briand cabinet in October, 1929, France had eighty-two cabinets and 349 cabinet ministers, under-secretaries excluded. Although French ministers ordinarily neither wield the power of English ministers nor leave behind them a deep impression upon governmental policy, they nevertheless constitute, ensemble, the governing class of the nation. Every deputy and senator looks forward to the day when he can inscribe the words ancien ministre after his name. Of the 349 who have held a portefeuille, 110 are still living. They constitute a large field for selection whenever a new cabinet is formed, and it is seldom necessary—or even advisable—for an incoming premier to go far outside their ranks in making up a new list for the approval of the president of the Republic.What type of Frenchman has risen to the ministry under the Third Republic? Whence does he come? What has been his education, his occupation, his previous political experience? If there has been a “type,” has it changed as the Third Republic has come to be more and more firmly established? Do the heads of certain ministries depart from the general type? Are there personalities that demand special attention and study? These are some of the questions that arise concerning the political personnel, not only of French, but of other modern national governments.

2018 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-156
Author(s):  
Christopher Forth

Edward Berenson, Heroes of Empire: Five Charismatic Men and the Conquest of Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2011). Margaret Cook Andersen, Regeneration through Empire: French Pronatalists and Colonial Settlement in the Third Republic (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 2015). Geoff Read, The Republic of Men: Gender and the Political Parties in Interwar France (Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 2014).


1939 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 267-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
John G. Heinberg

Since over 80 new ministers have entered French cabinets subsequent to the period covered in a previous article in this REVIEW, the figures supplied therein may well be brought down more closely to date. During the 805 months between February 19, 1871, and March 13, 1938, 434 persons, under-secretaries excluded, have formed the 106 separately appointed or reappointed councils of ministers. The question as to how many different cabinets France has had under the Third Republic may be left to metaphysicians. Almost every newly-appointed Conseil contains a large percentage of those who served in its predecessor. Cabinets which resign upon the election of a new president of the Republic are frequently reappointed in toto. Some cabinets have served for only a few days.


Author(s):  
Paweł Gofron

Selected grounds of strife over the self ‑government at the beginning of the Third Polish RepublicThis article presents the selected grounds of strife over the self-govern-ment in Poland during the political transformation – from the end of the Polish People’s Republic to the beginning of the Third Republic of Poland. In the introduction the importance of the self -government re-form was emphasized. In the main content the discourse over the self--government during the Round Table Talks was reconstructed in outli-ne. Moreover, the projects of the implementation scheme of the reform were discussed. The last part of the text concerns the dispute over the introduction of poviats as the second level of self -government.


1986 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mathew Burrows

Mission civilisatnce was one of the bywords of French colonial expansion under the Third Republic. Unfortunately until now there have been few works devoted to its study. Indeed, the notion itself has not been taken very seriously by scholars. As long ago as 1960 when Henri Brunschwig published his seminal work on French colonialism, he stated quite categorically: ‘en Angleterre la justification humanitaire l'emporta’ while ‘en France le nationalisme de 1870 domina’ even if that nationalism ‘ne s'exprima presque jamais sans une mention de cette “politique indigène” qui devait remplir les devoirs du civilisé envers des populations plus arriérées.’ Since then academics both in France and outside have tended to concentrate (in what few works have been written on French colonialism) on the political and economic aspects of the French Empire to the detriment of its cultural components.


2013 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 21-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Massimiliano Tomba

Abstract The purpose of this paper is to re-read Marx’s Eighteenth Brumaire by highlighting the political meaning of a materialist historiography. In the first part, I consider Marx’s historiographical and political intention to represent the history of the aftermath of the revolution of ’48 as a farce in order to liquidate ‘any faith in the superstitious past’. In the second part I analyse the theatrical register chosen by Marx in order to represent the Second Empire as a society without a body, a phantasmagoria in which the Constitution, the National Assembly and law – in short, everything that the middle class had put up as essential principles of modern democracy – disappear. In the third part I argue that Marx does not elaborate a theory of revolution that is good for every occasion. What interests him is a historiography capable of grasping, in the various temporalities of the revolution, the chance for a true liberation.


2009 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 485-512 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOEL REVILL

Historians have convincingly shown the extent to which Protestantism played a role in the founding of the Third Republic, undermining the once canonical claim that republicanism and religion were implacably hostile opponents in the latter half of the nineteenth century. Catholics, however, continue to be viewed as nearly universally antirepublican. Analyzing the writings of philosopher Emile Boutroux and his students, this article shows how the specifically Catholic concern with the relationship between free will and scientific concepts of determinism both influenced the direction of French philosophy of science into the twentieth century and provided a framework for defending the Republic at the height of the Dreyfus affair.


2005 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 743-768 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARTIN SIMPSON

This article examines the ‘republicanization’ of the Aveyron under the Third Republic, exploring issues of the practice and meaning of politics in this rural département. I look at the impact of the Republic's efforts to secularize education and ask on what grounds a département that emphatically rejected the secular/anti-clerical programme of the Republic could nonetheless eventually vote republican. This opens up questions of peasant understandings of politics. In particular I refer to the work of P. M. Jones who has written on this area, attributing republican success to the material benefits offered by the ‘milch-cow state’ and forceful administrative intervention. I argue that whilst the action of the Republic was significant, the success of the republicans rested on more than their ability to deliver local services. Republican politics in the Aveyron succeeded in redefining republicanism, arriving at an alternative conception of the Republic that was acceptable to the strongly Catholic and politicized electorate. We need to move away from any ideas of a single opportunist republicanism to realize that there were multiple conceptions of the Republic and a range of local republicanisms forged in relation to the circumstances of the individual French peripheries.


Author(s):  
Suzana Žilic Fišer ◽  
Sandra Bašic ◽  
Dejan Vercic ◽  
Petra Cafnik

Modern communication technology in principle makes political participation feasible. Information, consultation, and participation of citizens in the working of their highest political body – a parliament- should be easier than ever. This chapter analyses if this is really so on the case of Slovenia and its parliament, the National Assembly. Parliamentary website of the Republic of Slovenia is studied in terms of usability, usefulness and utility those are the key criteria in discussion about website performance. The analysis of e-democracy takes into account citizen participation in the legislative procedure, enabling direct communication with the members of the parliament, possibilities for citizen initiatives, and procedure and content transparency at each stage of the decision-making process. The chapter reports on limits of the current website of the National Assembly of Slovenia and proposes guidelines for better use of new technologies in the political process and for improving user experience.


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