Mexico's One-Party System: A Re-evaluation

1957 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 995-1008 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. Vincent Padgett

Because Mexican politics since the Revolution of 1910–17 have operated mainly within the framework of a one-party system and because in the past strong men have sometimes occupied the presidency, writers in the United States have tended to treat the system as authoritarian. Emphasis upon presidential rule and the corollary explanation of the role of the Revolutionary Party as nothing more nor less than an instrument of presidential domination have served to create an oversimplified picture of presidential power. It is the purpose of this paper to outline at least four checkpoints on which the authoritarian interpretation seems to have involved miscalculation of the realities of the Mexican political system. The nature of membership in the “official” party, the degree of centralization within and without the party structure, the threefold role of the party within the political system, and the ideological bias of the political elite all seem to indicate the necessity of a re-evaluation of the politics of the republic on our southern border.

2018 ◽  
pp. 16-22
Author(s):  
Nataliya Khoma

The process of the formation of the party system of Cyprus was considered. The period from colonial to 1981 is covered. The factors that influenced the evolution of the parties of Cyprus, in particular the internal conflict, were underlined. Emphasizes the importance of the ethnic component of the population of Cyprus. The attention was paid to the role of the Orthodox Church in shaping the political system of Cyprus. The article analyzes the norms of the Constitution of the Republic of Cyprus (1960) concerning political parties, in which the focus was on the parliamentary aspect of party activity. The role of Archbishop Makarios III, the first president of Cyprus, for the further evolution of the party system in the 1960–70s was revealed. Presented chronology of the appearance of the main parties of Cyprus and their participation in elections and coalitions. The article emphasizes that after the accession of Cyprus to the EU in 2004, the party system of the state is experiencing the trend of the newest European tendencies on the national party palette: the level of people’s confidence in the parties is decreasing, the party identity is blurred, the voter turnout is gradually decreasing, new types of parties are emerging, Radicalization is notable and so on. The party system of Cyprus is special, even if only within the EU there is a pro-communist party (Progressive Party of the Labor People of Cyprus), represented in the European Parliament, among the leading political forces. It was emphasized that the political parties of Cyprus until 1974 were purely electoral mechanisms. The new stage of development began with the stabilization of the post-colonial political system of Cyprus. At this time, the church lost its past influence, and the majoritarian electoral system alienated itself. This led to a new stage in the development of the party system in the late 1970s. It is noted that the determining factor was the transition to a proportional electoral system and the introduction of mandatory participation of voters in the vote. It was emphasized that these legislative innovations became important factors in the development of the modern party system of Cyprus. Since that time, the Cypriot parties have become more independent and united in the coalition.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 83-96
Author(s):  
B. Budaev ◽  
◽  
T. Badmatsyrenov ◽  

The article examines the main features of the development of regional party systems in the Republic of Buryatia and the Transbaikal Territory. The authors’ attention is drawn to the conditions for the development of the political system of these regions on the eve of their entry into the Far Eastern Federal District. From the point of view of the authors, the process of transition of the Republic of Buryatia and the Transbaikal Territory was determined not only by the desire to increase the number of residents of the Far Eastern Federal District, but also by the desire to reverse the deteriorating political situation in the regions of Eastern Siberia. The drop in the ratings of regional heads, the weakening of the positions of the regional branches of the parties in power, against the background of the crisis in the economy, all this as a whole reduced the possibilities of managing the region from the federal center. The transition of the regions to the Far Eastern Federal District was to be supported by new financial injections, which was supposed to stabilize the regional party systems. In this situation, it becomes interesting how close the regional party systems of the Republic of Buryatia and the Transbaikal Territory are, how close they are to the electoral indicators of the Far Eastern Federal District. The solution of what internal problems are typical for them will contribute to the effective development of regional party systems on the ground. The authors note that in the Republic of Buryatia and the Transbaikal Territory, regional branches of the parties in power on the eve of the “transition” experienced a serious political crisis. This circumstance was actively used by the opposition, which managed to increase its influence in regional parliaments. At the same time, the leaders of the opposition put at the forefront not party interests, but personal ones. Partized in the early 2000 the regional political system, again began to return to the system of patronage-client relations, built on mutual benefit. The party system of the regions began to slowly degrade. The transfer of subjects to the Far Eastern Federal District should help to stabilize the local party system. The new heads of regions, who managed to straddle financial flows, managed to consolidate the political elite around themselves and build relatively stable, even relations with the opposition


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karam Dana ◽  
Bryan Wilcox-Archuleta ◽  
Matt Barreto

AbstractDespite the overwhelming evidence to the contrary, popular perceptions in the United States, especially among political elites, continue to believe that religious Muslims oppose American democratic traditions and values. While many studies find positive relationships between mosque attendance and civic participation among U.S. Muslims, an empirical and theoretical puzzle continues to exist. What is missing is research that examines the relationships between the multi-dimensional concept of religiosity and how this is associated with public opinion and attitudes towards the American political system among Muslim Americans. Using a unique national survey of Muslim Americans, we find a positive relationship between religious beliefs, behavior, and belonging and perceptions of compatibility with American democratic traditions. Quite simply, the most religious are the most likely to believe in political integration in the United States.


2018 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-104
Author(s):  
Iwona Barwicka-Tylek

The interest in Republican thought is on the increase again, now chiefl y thanks to the works of Quentin Skinner and the circle of so-called neo-Republicans (or civic Republicans) concentrated around Phillip Petit. They stress the peculiar perspective that Republicans have had on the state and society. This is seen in their distinctive view of freedom as the absence of domination, or attachment to the category of citizenship and the related role of civic virtues. These special characteristics justify, in their opinion, distinguishing the Republican trend of political thought (historically and now) from other positions, especially the liberal tradition. Accepting generally the above opinion, the paper draws our attention to signifi - cant differences within Republicanism itself. To do this, it cites the three conceptions of republic that were formed in the 16th century and refer to England (Sir Thomas Smith), Venice (Gasparo Contarini) and Poland (Wawrzyniec Goślicki). Although they were formed around the same time and have common roots mainly in Aristotle’s philosophy and Roman Republican ideas, each of the three perspectives views the republic from a different angle. While all three authors believe the coexistence of three elements – orderly institutions, wise law and virtuous citizens – to be crucial for any state, they rely in their deliberations on one element only. This has an impact on the way their conceptions fi nally appear and on the conclusions for the political system they draw. And so, Smith gives precedence to institutions, Contarini emphasises the key role of law and Goślicki gives primacy to virtue, concentrated in an ideal senator. Taking notice of such differences among thinkers openly admitting to an attachment to the Republican tradition should make us even more careful so as not to oversimplify it as if it were uniform and completely cohesive. Further, the awareness of such differences may provoke refl ection how justifi ed the use of the Republican banner is in respect of so different authors as, for instance, Machiavelli and Montesquieu.


2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (05) ◽  
pp. 173-176
Author(s):  
Faiq Vahid oğlu Əzimov ◽  

Thoughts on politics and political relations originated in the territory of Azerbaijan in ancient times and have undergone a great evolution. Factors that are very different, and sometimes even contradict each other, have played and continue to play an important role in its emergence and activity. The political system of the Republic of Azerbaijan is political in nature, reflecting the characteristics of the national and historical context. Like all post-Soviet states, the political system of the Republic of Azerbaijan feels a certain influence of the Soviet political system. With the adoption of the new Constitution of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the establishment of the parliament on the basis of the first multi-party system, the formation of the political system of Azerbaijan was legally completed on November 12, 1995. Key words: state, political system, society, government, activity


2021 ◽  
pp. 357-370
Author(s):  
R. Sh. Mamedov ◽  
M. A. Sapronova

The features of recruiting the political elite of Iraq after the overthrow of the regime of President Saddam Hussein in 2003 are considered. The relevance of the study is due to the need to study the processes of elite formation in the Middle East during the period of regional transformations. The key mechanisms and principles of the formation of the Iraqi political elite within the framework of the emerging post-Saddam political system have been identified. It is shown that the political leaders who came into power with the support of the Americans until 2003 were the “counter-elite” of S. Hussein, therefore participation in the opposition movements became an important criterion for recruiting. Special attention is paid to the informal (traditional) principles of recruiting the new elite, which have become the main mechanism of this process. In particular, the following principles are described: “muhassasa taifiyya”, which assumes the distribution of political positions in accordance with the share of ethno-confessional groups in the general population, clan solidarity, and religious institutions. It is emphasized that the role of Shiite religious structures, including spiritual leaders, and their influence on the formation of the political elite have significantly increased compared to the pre-occupation period.


2021 ◽  
Vol 44 (113) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tserennadmid Chuluunbaatar

This article discusses the origins and development of political parties in the Republic of Turkey, the political forces in Turkey during Ataturk's period, and the political turmoil in Turkey during the second half of the XX century. The article includes detailed research on the struggle for the survival, in some cases, the forced closure of certain political parties and groups in Turkey, a country with a distinctive Islamic and Western oriented society. In this regards, this article aims to explain in detail, how the method of operation was followed, what political parties and groups have been emerged, what positions do they occupy in the political system, how did they affect social and political spheres, structure, organizational characteristics of Turkey. The topic was selected explore the following facts and factors: at first, to show the reasons and historical circumstances of the formation of the first political party, to identify the role and places of parties in the political and social life, thirdly, to clarify the reasons for the formation of a multi-party system; Fourth, it sets out the specifics of the development of major political parties in Turkey since 1990s. Бүгд Найрамдах Турк Улс дахь улс төрийн намын үүсэл, хөгжил Хураангуй: Энэхүү өгүүлэлд Бүгд Найрамдах Турк улс (БНТУ) дахь улс төрийн намуудын үүсэл, хөгжлийн талаар тэр дундаа Бүгд Найрамдах улс байгуулсан цаг үе буюу дотоод улс төрийн амьдралд М.К.Ататуркээр удирдуулсан улс төрийн хүчнээс гадна үзэл, хандлагаараа ялгаатай нийгмийн бүлгүүд үүсэж, оршин байхын төлөө тэмцэж, зарим тохиолдолд хүчээр хаагдах хүртэл олон үйл явдал өрнөсөн, өвөрмөц үеийг сонгон судлахыг зорив.Исламын шашинтай боловч барууны чиг баримжаатай хөгжлийн зам сонгосон Турк улсын хувьд чухамхүү улс төрийн нам, олон намын тогтолцоо бүрэлдэн бий болсон түүхэн үйл явцтай холбогдох архив болон судалгааны мэдээлэл түлхүү ашиглалаа.Ингэхдээ БНТУ-ын түүхийн чухам хэдий үед улс төрийн ямар нам, бүлэг бий болж, дотоод улс төрийн амьдралд ямар байр суурь эзэлж, хэрхэн нөлөөлж, ямар нийгмийн бааз суурь, бүтэц бүрэлдэхүүн, зохион байгуулалтын шинж төрх, улс төрийн үйл ажиллагааны арга хэлбэрийг мөрдөж байсан талаар тайлбарлалаа.Сэдвийг сонгож авахдаа: нэгдүгээрт, Турк улсад сонгодог утгаараа улс төрийн анхны нам үүссэн шалтгаан, түүхэн нөхцөлийг харуулах, хоёрдугаарт, ХХ зууны Туркийн улс төрийн намын үйл ажиллагааг зохицуулж байсан хууль, эрх зүйн орчны онцлогийг харуулах гуравдугаарт, олон намын тогтолцоо үүсэн, бүрэлдсэн нөхцөлийг тодотгох, дөрөвдүгээрт, 1990 оноос хойших Туркийн улс төрийн намын тогтолцооны төлөвшил, онцлогийг харуулах зорилтуудыг дэвшүүлсэн болно. Түлхүүр үгс: Улс төрийн нам, үзэл суртал, хөгжлийн хандлага, сэтгэлгээний түүх, түүхийн үечлэл


Politologia ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 5-36
Author(s):  
Paweł Laidler

This article analyses the phenomenon of judicial activism in the American electoral process. It tries to estimate whether the political system of the United States of America has become hostage to the law-making role of the judiciary, which actively controls the compliance of election laws with the Constitution, thus drawing courts into purely political processes, or whether the nature of the disputes settled by judges rather makes it impossible for them to avoid being influenced by and influencing issues of a political nature. The article analyses various legal acts and court decisions, mostly concerning the current status of federal campaign finance in the United States, and demonstrates that more spheres traditionally reserved for other branches of government are being appropriated by the judicial branch.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 200-212
Author(s):  
Muhammad Umar Riaz Abbasi

This study was aimed to comparatively analyse the political thoughts of Al-Mawardi and Ibn Rushd, and their possible implications in the current Pakistani political system. A qualitative method was chosen to conduct the study and they were collected from secondary sources. Besides, content analysis was used to analyse the collected data. The role of politics considered a significant part of human’s life, since time immemorial. In terms of epistemological meaning, politics has a deep relation with power. Different kind of ordinances and law documents was collected related to public law in one place by Al-Mawardi and Ibn Rushd. No society, community, city, or even any country did not prevail, without an effective constitution or government structure. The famous scholar Ibn Rushd highlighted the political injustice and failure of the secular political laws which claimed to provide and established justice in the Islamic society. Muslims have bottomless faith in the political teachings of Islam taught by Hazrat Muhammad Mustafa (PBUH), His companions to accomplish in their communities. Al-Marwardi and Ibn Rushd School of thought, was greatly focused on the teaching of Islam in the modern world. It was recommended that there is a need for the implementation of the Islamic laws and rules in the society, to meet the laws of Islam for the prosperity of the society.


Author(s):  
D. V. STRELTSOV

In the political system of post-war Japan there emerged a unique phenomenon of the ‘1955 system’, which contradicted, in its  form and in its essence, to the principle of the changeability of power inherent for the democratic systems. The Liberal-Democratic  Party retained majority in the lower house of Diet for the 38-year period, which allowed it to form the government without joining coalitions with any other parties. “The 1955 system” was a form of  adaptation of the political power to the specific conditions of cold war era. In the sphere of foreign policy, the bipolar model of the  Japanese political system reflected the ideological choice between  the capitalist system led by the United States and the socialist  system led by the USSR. In the economic sphere, the dominant  party system was the most appropriate response to the specific  needs of the mobilization economic model, in which first fiddle was played by bureaucracy, whilst the political power performed  rather decorative functions. The authoritarian features in the LDP  power system that can be imagined to be the result of its  monopolistic rule, in reality did not have a distinct manifestation because of the de facto absence of unity in its top  management and the preservation of a viable faction system well  adapted to the electoral model of the multimember  districts. The  end of ‘the 1955 system’, associated with the end of the cold war,  manifested itself in the loss of the LDP’s dominant position in the  party system and in the beginning of the era of coalition  governments. The issues of ideology in the post-bipolar period lost  their significance as a form of axis in the inter-party division. Currently, the LDP holds the leading positions in the political arena  as the main political force in the Diet. The ruling party faces serious  problems, among which one can mention the decline of the LDP  authority in the Japanese society against the background of resonant  political scandals, the absence of intra-party democracy  and the authoritarian style of Abe’s rule which raises the risks of  political mistakes, as well as the lack of reliable mechanisms of  succession of senior positions in the party hierarchy. However, the  specificity of the electoral system, as well as the chronic state of split and the absence of strong political leaders in the opposition camp,  give the LDP substantial advantages against other parties, feeding  the conclusion that the LDP will remain the dominant political force  of Japan in the foreseeable future.


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