scholarly journals Features of the Political Development of Iraq in 2003—2020: the Formation of a New Elite

2021 ◽  
pp. 357-370
Author(s):  
R. Sh. Mamedov ◽  
M. A. Sapronova

The features of recruiting the political elite of Iraq after the overthrow of the regime of President Saddam Hussein in 2003 are considered. The relevance of the study is due to the need to study the processes of elite formation in the Middle East during the period of regional transformations. The key mechanisms and principles of the formation of the Iraqi political elite within the framework of the emerging post-Saddam political system have been identified. It is shown that the political leaders who came into power with the support of the Americans until 2003 were the “counter-elite” of S. Hussein, therefore participation in the opposition movements became an important criterion for recruiting. Special attention is paid to the informal (traditional) principles of recruiting the new elite, which have become the main mechanism of this process. In particular, the following principles are described: “muhassasa taifiyya”, which assumes the distribution of political positions in accordance with the share of ethno-confessional groups in the general population, clan solidarity, and religious institutions. It is emphasized that the role of Shiite religious structures, including spiritual leaders, and their influence on the formation of the political elite have significantly increased compared to the pre-occupation period.

2020 ◽  
Vol 93 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Brint ◽  
Komi T. German ◽  
Kayleigh Anderson-Natale ◽  
Zeinab F. Shuker ◽  
Suki Wang

Status transmission theory argues that leading educational institutions prepare individuals from privileged backgrounds for positions of prestige and power in their societies. We examine the educational backgrounds of more than 2,900 members of the U.S. cultural elite and compare these backgrounds to a sample of nearly 4,000 business and political leaders. We find that the leading U.S. educational institutions are substantially more important for preparing future members of the cultural elite than they are for preparing future members of the business or political elite. In addition, members of the cultural elite who are recognized for outstanding achievements by peers and experts are much more likely to have obtained degrees from the leading educational institutions than are those who achieve acclaim from popular audiences. By focusing on the extent to which industries and cultural domains depend on quickness and facility in the absorption and manipulation of complex and sophisticated symbolic media, our analysis leads to an important specification of the role of highly selective colleges and universities in elite formation.


1974 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 543-568 ◽  
Author(s):  
John P. Entelis

Tunisia A has long been regarded as a model of political development and stability in the Third World. There is no doubt that the charismatic Habib Bourguiba, the aging (71) yet indefatigable leader of an effective nation-wide party apparatus, has helped ensure Tunisia's development from the period of the pre-independence struggle until today. It is not unnatural, therefore, given the critical role of Bourguiba in the operation of the political system, to question the degree of institutionalisation, stability, modernity, and democracy that Tunisia could retain after the passing of its dynamic leader.


2020 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 39-65
Author(s):  
Maxim Rust

In Eastern European countries, the issue of the oligarchisation of the political system is one of the most important factors influencing the process of systemic transformation. In Ukraine, the phenomenon of oligarchisation took on the classic post-Soviet form of influencing the political elite. In Belarus, its importance is smaller and of a different character. When analysing the dynamics of the socio-political development of both republics after 1991, the vision of Ukraine without oligarchs, or inversely – Belarus with the established oligarchic system is not so obvious. The main goal of this article is to compare and evaluate the reforms and socio-political changes in Belarus and Ukraine in the context of the role played by the oligarchisation of these countries.


1957 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 995-1008 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. Vincent Padgett

Because Mexican politics since the Revolution of 1910–17 have operated mainly within the framework of a one-party system and because in the past strong men have sometimes occupied the presidency, writers in the United States have tended to treat the system as authoritarian. Emphasis upon presidential rule and the corollary explanation of the role of the Revolutionary Party as nothing more nor less than an instrument of presidential domination have served to create an oversimplified picture of presidential power. It is the purpose of this paper to outline at least four checkpoints on which the authoritarian interpretation seems to have involved miscalculation of the realities of the Mexican political system. The nature of membership in the “official” party, the degree of centralization within and without the party structure, the threefold role of the party within the political system, and the ideological bias of the political elite all seem to indicate the necessity of a re-evaluation of the politics of the republic on our southern border.


2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (1and2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rishikesh Kumar Gautam

The main purpose of this paper is to find out the influence of News Talk Shows in creating political efficacy among educated youth. The researcher wants to measure the level of political efficacy, that is, level of awareness and level of political participation based on the fact that how much educated youth are influenced by News Talk Shows regarding politics. News Talk Shows are helpful in changing the political structure, political system and political development. Media is a lifeline of socialization. This Paper also develops a framework of political socialization in India. Public opinion is made in democracy by voting and responding to polls besides participating in elections. Special emphasis has been put on electioneering campaigns, voting behaviors and role of media in creating political awareness. Universe for the present study consists of Devi Ahilya University Students, Indore. The researcher has selected 100 samples in nineteen departments of this university.


1996 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Lane

On the basis of personal interviews with 116 members of the political élite of the USSR in its terminal period, conclusions are drawn about influence on political power and reasons for the breakdown of the political system. Unlike democratic transitions grounded on negotiation, the collapse of the USSR was a consequence of a fragmented and highly divided political élite lacking in political and moral cohesion. The driving forces of political change came from within the Party leadership which believed the system to be fundamentally flawed whereas other groups in the ruling élite considered it to be essentially sound. In the absence of a firm political base for radical reform, foreign Western leaders are shown to have been sought as allies for change. In turn their perceived influence exacerbated élite dissension.


Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 327-348
Author(s):  
Ivo Vanpol

The nuclear energy decision-making process is a clear example of the difficulty the Belgian political system has in making decisions. An explanation for this incapability has to be sought among the political elite, which allows the Belgian economy to be directed by special interests.This admission fits into an «elitist consensus», an unwritten agreement among top-political leaders. Threats to this elitist consensus are subtly neutralized, leaving the power of these economie groups unaffected.  The power of the private producers of electricity is to a large extent consolidated by the inertia of the political system. This passivity is instrumental in maintaining the elitist consensus. The power of the anti-nuclear groups, measured in its mobilizing effects, is relatively small. As producers of energy, the electricity companies have a privileged position in the Belgian economic  system, because energy is thought to be the motor of economic  growth. A thorough parliamentary debate on energy could change the elitist consensus but for this, a political majority would have to be found.


1982 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 110-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raymond A. Hinnebusch

The importance of the countryside (rief) for the social and economic development of Arab societies whose populations are still greatly peasant in composition and whose wealth is still based on agriculture seems incontestable. Less obvious, but equally important, is the political role of the peasantry and the rural areas in the process of transition from traditional to more modern types of social and political systems in the Middle East. There is plenty of evidence that political modernization cannot take place without a solution to the peasant problem — without their incorporation into the political system. Huntington holds that in modernizing countries where the bulk of the population is rural but where politics remains a predominately urban game, governments are likely to be ephemeral, unstable and ineffective. He argues that the establishment of stable and effective regimes requires bridging the urban-rural gap through some coalition of urban and rural forces which will bring the peasantry into the system. Furthermore, both Huntington and Barrington Moore argue that the particular type of leadership under which the peasants are brought into the political system greatly shapes the whole subsequent development of the system. The countryside, according to Huntington, plays a crucial swing role and this role varies from very conservative to very revolutionary. Three possibilities seem to be typical. One outcome is where peasants are brought into the system by upper-class leadership, sometimes through a formally liberal type electoral system, informally based on patronage and traditional symbolism, sometimes through a conservative authoritarian system.


1970 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 539-564
Author(s):  
Stephen L. Rozman

The following description and analysis of the role of the military in the Peruvian political system and its development from independence to the most recent military supplanting of a civilian government in 1968 should serve a twofold purpose: first, to provide information necessary to the understanding of Peruvian political development; and second, to manifest the claims and demands of a politically relevant (institutional) interest group and its manner of satisfying them. During the course of this article, it should become evident to the reader that it would be impossible to offer even the most general history of Peruvian political development without giving considerable attention to the role of both military personalities and the military as an institution.It is the author's contention that the evolution of the Peruvian military's political role may be divided into nine phases, each with significance for the country's political system.


2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 249-270
Author(s):  
Ali AbolAli Aghdaci ◽  
Mohammad Reza Mayeli

Cohesion and solidarity in the trust relationship network play an important role in determining the identity and legitimacy of a political system. In a society where people have relations based on trust and solidarity, the possibility of public participation in decision-making, its beginnings, and consolidation of democracy is perhaps the most important characteristic of the greater political development. In this article, we seek to answer the question of the role of social capital in the political development of the Hashemi Rafsanjani and Ahmadinejad governments in Iran. Following in-depth assessments, it is concluded that not only have the Hashemi Rafsanjani and Ahmadinejad governments failed to strengthen social capital in society, but also a decline of social capital in society can be discerned.


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