Consensus and Ideology in American Politics

1964 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 361-382 ◽  
Author(s):  
Herbert McClosky

The belief that consensus is a prerequisite of democracy has, since deTocqueville, so often been taken for granted that it is refreshing to find the notion now being challenged. Prothro and Grigg, for example, have questioned whether agreement on “fundamentals” actually exists among the electorate, and have furnished data which indicate that it may not. Dahl, reviewing his study of community decision-makers, has inferred that political stability does not depend upon widespread belief in the superiority of democratic norms and procedures, but only upon their acceptance. From the findings turned up by Stouffer, and by Prothro and Grigg, he further conjectures that agreement on democratic norms is greater among the politically active and aware—the “political stratum” as he calls them—than among the voters in general. V. O. Key, going a step further, suggests that the viability of a democracy may depend less upon popular opinion than upon the activities and values of an “aristocratic” strain whose members are set off from the mass by their political influence, their attention to public affairs, and their active role as society's policy makers. “If so, any assessment of the vitality of a democratic system should rest on an examination of the outlook, the sense of purpose, and the beliefs of this sector of society.”

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 62-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kapilmani Dahal

Political parties are the major agents of a political process. In the democratic system of governance, political parties are thought to be the inevitable factors. Political parties are said to be as the lubricant oil of democracy, engine of democracy, fuel of democracy, life line of democracy and energy of democracy in the democratic system. Democracy is the political system which is regulated and performed by the political parties. For the well functioning of a democratic system, the political parties should follow perform the democratic values and norms properly. All the parties but mainly the ruling party or parties should be always committed towards the achievement of democratic values. Party may be polarized but they should not be polarized for and against the democratic norms and values. When political get parties polarized going for and against constitutional guidelines then it may be proved disastrous for democracy. Now in Nepal political parties have been polarized making their own alliance during the election time. Left alliance has declared that they will make the unified single communist party for political stability and economic prosperity. Democratic alliance mainly Nepali congress has claimed that left alliance is not for nation but for imposing totalitarianism and authoritarianism in the country. Polarization of political party will bring both the positive and negative impacts in the democratic polity. To make success the democratic system of governance, party may be polarized and unified but they must not to be polarized to make weaken the democracy. The major objectives of this article are to show the major values of democracy, to show the patterns of polarization of political parties and to analyze the impacts of polarization of political parties. To meet these objectives descriptive-analytical methodology of study has been applied. To draw the conclusion, both qualitative and quantitative information have been taken from secondary method.Journal of Political Science, Volume XVIII, 2018, page: 62-81


AI & Society ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 917-926 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karl de Fine Licht ◽  
Jenny de Fine Licht

Abstract The increasing use of Artificial Intelligence (AI) for making decisions in public affairs has sparked a lively debate on the benefits and potential harms of self-learning technologies, ranging from the hopes of fully informed and objectively taken decisions to fear for the destruction of mankind. To prevent the negative outcomes and to achieve accountable systems, many have argued that we need to open up the “black box” of AI decision-making and make it more transparent. Whereas this debate has primarily focused on how transparency can secure high-quality, fair, and reliable decisions, far less attention has been devoted to the role of transparency when it comes to how the general public come to perceive AI decision-making as legitimate and worthy of acceptance. Since relying on coercion is not only normatively problematic but also costly and highly inefficient, perceived legitimacy is fundamental to the democratic system. This paper discusses how transparency in and about AI decision-making can affect the public’s perception of the legitimacy of decisions and decision-makers and produce a framework for analyzing these questions. We argue that a limited form of transparency that focuses on providing justifications for decisions has the potential to provide sufficient ground for perceived legitimacy without producing the harms full transparency would bring.


Author(s):  
Tareq Mohammed Dhannoon AL Taie

The BRICS countries have a historical aspiration for global leadership, especially Russia and China, and other countries trying to have a position in the pyramid of international powers in the twenty-first century, especially Brazil, India and South Africa, they worked to unify their efforts, in order to achieve integration in the strategic action, activate its role in International affairs, ending American domination , and restructuring an international system that have an active role in its interactions.       The research hypothesis is based on the idea that the BRICS group, despite the nature of its economic composition and its long-term goals, but its political influence as a bloc, is greater than the proportion of its economic influence in restructuring the new international order. The BRICS group has the capabilities to reshape the international order, but disputes among some of its members represent a challenge to its future work. Its goals will not be achieved without teamwork. Third world countries, especially those that reject unipolarism, have regarded one of the pillars supporting multi-polarity, aiming of giving them freedom of movement in international relations. The ultimate goal of the BRICS is a political nature, as economic mechanisms are used to achieve political goals.


Author(s):  
Alizaman D. Gamon ◽  
Mariam Saidona Tagoranao

This study discusses the penetration of Islam in the Philippines, particularly the third wave of its expansion, which was brought by Sufi missionaries. It reinstates the historical relevance of Sufi ideas and approaches due to its contemporary relevance to the concept of social co-existence. The rational, intellectual and philosophical dimension of Islam is manifested in the cultural and traditional life of Muslim communities. The study also analyzes the impact of Muslim struggle for the development of Islamic institutions in the context of the secular state. The ongoing, unsettled debate between Islamic and government approaches to peace and development in Mindanao and Sulu continues unabated. Over the years, reforms were introduced, but in their midst, evidence of government biases and prejudices with regards to Islamic institutions have surfaced. Muslim leaders and intellectuals responded in the context of historical rights and freedom, but those views were often questioned as they are presumed to be incompatible with the national agenda for national unity. It was very recently that this incompatibility was readdressed giving support to having lasting peace and justice in Mindanao. The study argues that there have been substantial state-sponsored reforms which may contribute to the gradual advancement of Muslim communities. Though the path for the passage of Muslim concerns within the given condition is fragile and open to challenges, the study recognizes the prominence of inter-civilizational dialogue, from which the universal values of humanity will be embraced by both Muslim and non-Muslim policy makers. In addition, Muslim and non-Muslim communities in the Philippines need to embrace the universal principle of humanity and coexistence due to its relevance to the political stability and economic growth in the country.  Keywords: Muslims in the Philippines, Islamic institutions, Islamization, Muslim intellectuals, Reform. Abstrak Kajian ini mengkaji tentang kemasukan Islam, terutamanya gelombang ketiga perkembangannya, yang dibawa oleh para pendakwah sufi. Kajian itu mengembalikan semula sejarah penting tentang idea-idea dan pendekatan Sufi yang boleh digunapakai pada masa kini untuk mewujudkan keharmonian sosial di kalangan rakyat pelbagai agama. Pemahaman tentang Islam mempunyai pengaruh yang jelas terhadap kebudayaan dan tradisi Islam. Kajian ini juga menganalisis kesan perjuangan Muslim untuk pembangunan institusi Islam dalam konteks sebuah negara sekular. Perbahasan yang berterusan yang tidak menemukan penyelesaian antara pendekatan Islam dan pendekatan kerajaan untuk perdamaian serta pembangunan di Mindanao dan Sulu terus berlanjutan. Walaupun  bertahun-tahun pembaharuan telah dilakukan, namun terdapat bukti penolakan dan prasangka buruk kerajaan terhadap institusi Islam. Para pemimpin dan intelektual Muslim bertindak berdasarkan pada fakta sejarah dan hak kebebasan bersuara, namun pandangan mereka sering dipertikaikan kerana mereka dianggap tidak seiring dengan agenda dan perpaduan nasional. Baru-baru ini ketidakserasian ini mulai disuarakan semula untuk mendapat sokongan terhadap keamanan dan keadilan yang berterusan di Mindanao. Kajian ini mendapati bahawa terdapat pembaharuan yang dilakukan oleh pihak kerajaan yang boleh menyumbang ke arah  kemajuan masyarakat Islam secara beransur-ansur. Walaupun pendekatan bagi memenuhi hasrat orang Islam masih dalam keadaan yang rapuh dan penuh cabaran, namun kajian ini mengusulkan peripentingnya dialog antara peradaban dimana nilai-nilai universal manusia akan diperoleh dan dipegang oleh kedua-kedua pihak pembuat dasar iaitu  Islam dan bukan Islam. Di samping itu, umat Islam dan bukan Islam di Filipina perlu mengkaji dan mencontohi model keharmonian sosial Malaysia dan Singapura kerana kaitannya dengan kestabilan politik dan pertumbuhan ekonomi. Kata Kunci: Muslim di Filipina, institusi Islam, Islamisasi, intelektual Islam, Pembaharuan.


Author(s):  
Mark Bovens ◽  
Anchrit Wille

Civil society organizations are, if not schools, at least pools of democracy. In the ‘third sector’, too, active engagement and participation ‘by the people’ have given way to meritocracy, or, in other words, to rule by the well-educated. Many popularly rooted mass organizations have witnessed a decline in membership and political influence. Their role as intermediary between politics and society has been taken over by professionally managed advocacy groups that operate with university educated public affairs consultants. First, the chapter describes the associational revolution, the enormous increase in the number of civil society organizations. Then it in analyses the education gap in membership and the shift from large membership organizations to lean professional advocacy groups, which has occurred over the past three decades. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the net effect of this meritocratization of civil society for political participation and interest representation.


Author(s):  
Cathie Martin ◽  
Tom Chevalier

Why did historical anti-poverty programs in Britain, Denmark and France differ so dramatically in their goals, beneficiaries and agents for addressing poverty? Different cultural views of poverty contributed to how policy makers envisioned anti-poverty reforms. Danish elites articulated social investments in peasants as necessary to economic growth, political stability and societal strength. British elites viewed the lower classes as a challenge to these goals. The French perceived the poor as an opportunity for Christian charity. Fiction writers are overlooked political agents who engage in policy struggles. Collectively, writers contribute to a country's distinctive ‘cultural constraint’, or symbols and narratives, which appears in the national-level aggregation of literature. To assess cross-national variations in cultural depictions of poverty, this article uses historical case studies and quantitative textual analyses of 562 British, 521 Danish and 498 French fictional works from 1770 to 1920.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Dagenais

Abstract Background Despite the increased emphasis placed on the use of evidence for policy development, relatively few initiatives have been developed to support evidence-informed decision-making, especially in West Africa. Moreover, studies examining the conditions under which policy-makers use research-based evidence are still scarce, but they show that their attitudes and opinions about research are one of the main determinants of such use. In February 2017, Burkina Faso’s Minister of Health planned to create a unit to promote evidence-informed decision-making within the ministry. Before the unit was set up, documenting the attitudes towards research at the highest levels of his Ministry appeared profitable to the unit’s planning. Method Individual interviews were conducted by the author with 14 actors positioned to consider evidence during decision-making from the Burkina Faso’s Minister of health cabinet. An interview grid was used to explore several themes such as attitudes towards research, obstacles and facilitators to research use, example of research use in decision-making and finally, ways to increase decision-makers’ participation in knowledge transfer activities. Interviews were partially transcribed and analysed by the author. Results The results show a mixed attitude towards research and relatively little indication of research use reported by respondents. Important obstacles were identified: evidence inaccessibility, lack of implementation guidelines, absence of clear communication strategy and studies’ lack of relevance for decision-making. Many suggestions were proposed such as raising awareness, improving access and research communication and prioritizing interactions with researchers. Respondents agree with the low participation of decision-makers in knowledge transfer activities: more leadership from the senior officials was suggested and greater awareness of the importance of their presence. Conclusions The conclusion presents avenues for reflection and action to increase the potential impact of the knowledge transfer unit planned within the Ministry of Health of Burkina Faso. This innovative initiative will be impactful if the obstacles identified in this study and policy-makers’ preferences and needs are taken into account during its development and implementation.


Author(s):  
Victoria A. Beard ◽  
Diana Mitlin

This paper highlights challenges of water access in towns and cities of the global South and explores potential policy responses. These challenges are not new, although, we argue that they have been underestimated by policy makers due to a focus on global data, thus, resulting in decision makers paying insufficient attention to these problems. Policies need to be based on a more accurate assessment of challenges, specifically the need for continuous and affordable water service, and the need to provide services to informal settlements. We share findings from research on 15 cities across Latin America, Asia, and Africa.


Balcanica ◽  
2006 ◽  
pp. 143-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dusan Batakovic

Given that the issue of the functioning of parliamentary democracy in Serbia 1903-1914 has not been thoroughly explored, an attempt is made to define the capacities of Serbia?s parliamentary system confronted with military interferences in political processes. The paper looks at the conflict between the democratic forces, led by the Prime Minister Nikola Pasic and his Radicals, and a group of conspirators within the army, which in 1911 formed a clandestine society "Unification or Death" (Black Hand), led by D. Dimitrijevic Apis. Political influence of the army significantly increased with the dynastic change effected in 1903. In a predominantly rural society (almost 90 percent of the population) the army took up the function of the middle class and its mission to expedite the process of national liberation. Due to unconstitutional and non-parliamentary actions of military circles the period may be described as one of fragile but functional democracy. Seeking to suppress the army's praetorian aspirations, Pasic and the Radicals took various measures to force it into its constitutional role. Sharpened during the First World War, the conflict led in 1917 to a show trial known as the Salonica Trial. The leaders of the Black Hand were sentenced to death and executed. Similar trials stood by military conspiracies in other European countries during the Great War show that democracy is always threatened in times of extreme crisis such as war. In that sense, Pasic may have deemed the extreme measures against the Black Hand necessary for the preservation of the democratic system established in 1903.


2014 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-141
Author(s):  
Aleya James

This paper explores the work of the educational theorist Gert Biesta in a setting outside of the context where it was originally developed. It aims to address how Biesta’s approach can help educators and policy makers question the philosophical underpinnings of education in the UAE and thereby start a conversation that is currently absent in this context. The paper comprises three elements: first, an overview of Biesta’s educational theory is given with a focus on ‘subjectification’ and his self-titled “pedagogy of interruption”. Secondly and in brief, I use Biesta’s framework of educational dimensions to analyse the philosophy underlying education in the United Arab Emirates using published government documents and media sources. Thirdly, I report a small-scale qualitative analysis of a specific educational space, three General Studies Courses in a UAE tertiary institution, to investigate the ‘risky’ possibilities involved in implementing a pedagogy of interruption. I find that despite a dominant policy discourse that discounts subjectification, there are significant opportunities for students to develop a strong sense of self. These opportunities are created by a small but strongly motivated group of teachers and taken up, on the whole enthusiastically, by students. However, my assertions are limited by a number of challenges which warrant further research. This paper hopes to provide a meaningful contribution to the limited discussion regarding the aims and expectations of education in the Middle East, and finds a pertinent philosophical grounding for liberal studies teaching in a tertiary context. As such the paper will be of value both to policy and decision makers in the Middle East and to teachers and trainers who teach in multi-cultural and international contexts.


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