Tunisia: The Role of the Political Party

1966 ◽  
Vol 1 (13) ◽  
pp. 5
Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 3 investigates the process of party formation in France, Germany, Great Britain, and Italy, and demonstrates the important role of cultural and societal premises for the development of political parties in the nineteenth century. Particular attention is paid in this context to the conditions in which the two mass parties, socialists and Christian democrats, were established. A larger set of Western European countries included in this analysis is thoroughly scrutinized. Despite discontent among traditional liberal-conservative elites, full endorsement of the political party was achieved at the beginning of the twentieth century. Particular attention is paid to the emergence of the interwar totalitarian party, especially under the guise of Italian and German fascism, when ‘the party’ attained its most dominant influence as the sole source and locus of power. The chapter concludes by suggesting hidden and unaccounted heritages of that experience in post-war politics.


2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 578-590 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diana Janušauskienė

This article examines the role of ethnicity in the formation of political cleavage and is based on the analysis of the political agenda of the Polish national minority in Lithuania after the re-establishment of the independent state in 1990. It analyzes the political performance of the Electoral Action of Poles in Lithuania (EAPL), an ethnic-based “niche” political party that tends to keep a monopoly over the representation of interests of the Polish minority in Lithuania and collects a vast majority of the votes of citizens of Polish origin. The article considers how specific in comparison to the titular nation the interests of the Polish national minority are, and how different in comparison to the political agendas of other political parties the political agenda of the EAPL is.


Author(s):  
Ishaq Rahman ◽  
Elyta Elyta

ABSTRACT A country that implements the system as mentioned earlier is more towards an authoritarian system of government which aims to dominate and dominate the power of the state towards the people. Democracy cannot survive from such a closed state. In a basic concept of democracy, there is a fundamental principle, namely the principle of sovereignty of the people who run the government.Political communication is one of the many roles played by political parties in various available arrangements. The political party is required to communicate knowledge, issues and political thoughts.Constitutionally, the Government adopts a Presidential System in which the ministers in the cabinet are responsible to the president. But in practice the SBY-JK administration is more of a Parliamentary System. Keywords: political parties, democracy, SBY government


2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 544-564 ◽  
Author(s):  
Federico Battera

This article argues that differences in Arab authoritarian regimes were mainly linked to the relationship between the state, the political party in power and the military. By exploring such differences in Tunisia, Egypt and Syria prior to the 2011 crisis, they are explained in the context of the political changes that ensued in the wake of the crisis. How the army played the dual role of instigating change while impeding it at crucial points in the transitional process is described. The mutual lack of autonomy between the state, the party and the military appears to have been a key factor in impeding change, whereas a clear separation of the functions of these institutions was more likely to enable political change to come about.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 81
Author(s):  
Luthfi Widagdo Eddyono

Perubahan UUD 1945 yang dilakukan pada tahun 1999-2002 salah satunya bermaksud untuk memperkuat peran dan kedudukan partai politik dalam sistem ketatanegaraan Indonesia. Sebelum perubahan UUD 1945, frasa “partai politik” tersebut sama sekali tidak ada dalam naskah UUD 1945. Penguatan kedudukan partai politik tersebut terlihat pada Pasal 6A dan Pasal 8 UUD 1945 yang terkait dengan pengusulan pasangan calon presiden dan wakil presiden dan pemberian kewenangan Mahkamah Konstitusi untuk memutus pembubaran partai politik (Pasal 24C UUD 1945), termasuk kedudukan partai politik sebagai peserta pemilihan umum anggota DPR dan DPRD (Pasal 22E UUD 1945). Secara kumulatif, frasa “partai politik” hanya enam kali disebutkan dalam UUD 1945. Walaupun demikian, berdasarkan original intent, sangat terasa upaya untuk memperkuat peran strategis partai politik sebagai sarana penunjang demokrasi konstitusional yang diupayakan terkonsolidasi secara berkesinambungan.Tulisan ini dimaksudkan untuk mengkaji original intent perubahan UUD 1945 terkait dengan peran dan kedudukan partai politik dalam sistem ketatanegaraan Indonesia, termasuk dengan kebutuhan adanya desentralisasi partai politik di Indonesia. Hasilnya adalah jika dikaitkan dengan desentralisasi peran dan tanggung jawab partai politik di tingkat pusat kepada partai politik di tingkat daerah, tidak terdapat original intent yang terkait dengan hal tersebut, akan tetapi jika dikaitkan dengan Pasal 18 UUD 1945 yang berkenaan dengan Pemerintahan Daerah, maka pemaknaan sistematis UUD 1945 tentu saja meliputi desentralisasi peran partai politik tersebut. Apalagi berdasarkan ketentuan normatif konstitusi, partai politik juga mempunyai kewenangan untuk mencalonkan anggota dewan perwakilan rakyat daerah. Oleh karena itu, pengaturan mengenai desentralisasi peran dan tanggung jawab partai politik perlu dinormakan dalam format Undang-Undang agar moralitas konstitusional desentralisasi hubungan pusat dan pemerintahan daerah dapat terjadi dan terkonsolidasi dengan baik. Dengan demikian, partai politik diharapkan mampu menjalankan perannya sebagai sarana komunikasi politik, sosialisasi politik (political socialization), pengatur konflik (conflict management) dan akhirnya menjadi sarana rekruitmen politik (political recruitment) baik di tingkat pusat maupun di tingkat daerah.Amendment to the 1945 Constitution which was conducted in 1999-2002 intends to strengthen the role and position of political parties in the Indonesian state administration system. Before the change of the 1945 Constitution, the phrase “political party” was completely absent in the text of the 1945 Constitution. The strengthening of the political party’s position was seen in Article 6A and Article 8 of the 1945 Constitution related to the nomination of the pair of presidential and vice presidential candidates and the authority of the Constitutional Court to decide upon the dissolution of political parties (Article 24C of the 1945 Constitution), including the status of political parties as participants in the general election of members of the DPR and DPRD (Article 22E of the 1945 Constitution). Cumulatively, the phrase “political party” is only mentioned six times in the 1945 Constitution. However, based on the original intent, it is felt the efforts to strengthen the strategic role of political parties as a supporting the consolidation of constitutional democracy.This paper is intended to examine the original intent of the 1945 Constitution about the role and position of political parties in the Indonesian state administration system, including the need for decentralization of political parties in Indonesia. The result is there is no original intent relating the decentralization of roles and responsibilities of political parties at the central level to political parties at the regional scale, but if associated with Article 18 of the 1945 Constitution with respect to local Government, the systematic The 1945 Constitution, of course, covers the decentralization of the role of the political party. Moreover, based on the normative provisions of the law, political parties also have the authority to nominate members of the regional legislature. Therefore, the regulation on the decentralization of the roles and responsibilities of political parties should be formalized in the Law so that constitutional morality of the decentralized central and local government relations can occur and be consolidated well. Thus, political parties are expected to play their role as a means of political communication, political socialization, conflict management and eventually become a means of executive recruitment both at the central and regional levels.


2020 ◽  
Vol V (III) ◽  
pp. 90-99
Author(s):  
Shazia Ismail Toor

Media influence on politics has always been a debatable subject due to its immense potential. Media is regarded as the fourth estate of the nation, and the role of traditional media in the political arena is indispensable. The agenda-setting by newspapers plays a pivotal part in forming the image of a political party. This study is an exertion to examine the leading English and Urdu newspapers (Dawn, The News, Jang, Nawa-i-Waqt) of Pakistan to find out the portrayal given to PPPP, PML-N and PTI during PPPP's five-year (2008- 2013) regime. By employing the content analysis method, findings indicate that PML-N was given the maximum editorial and news coverage regarding the important national issues, whereas PPPP got the second most frequent coverage. PPPP was presented in an unfavourable manner, and PLM-N was given the least negative reportage. Results of the study revealed that English and Urdu newspapers adopted a supportive stance towards PML (N).


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-69
Author(s):  
Lalthakima

None of the countries in the world is ‘corruption free country’. Despite the efforts of every country to curb the menace of corruption, the affected countries failed to contain corruption to the level of zero. It becomes a serious threat and challenge to most democratic countries of the world. At present civil societies which bridge the gap between the society and the government come to the forefront to fight against this menace. In Mizoram; for more than a decade, People’s Right to Information and Development Implementing Society of Mizoram (PRISM) involved in fighting against corruption. However, after a prolonged campaign against corruption, the society has turned itself to be a political party on November 3, 2017 and contested election for the Assembly seats in 2018 and also contested an election for a lone seat of Member of Parliament from Mizoram in the lower house of the Parliament in 2019. The name of the erstwhile society was rechristened as ‘People’s Representation for Identity and Status of Mizoram’ and retained the abbreviated form PRISM. Efficiency in governance, changing the political system and corruption free society are the main objectives of PRISM.


2015 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-172
Author(s):  
Robert J. Davidson

Abstract Debates on gay and lesbian advocacy in the Netherlands have often revolved around the role of the political culture of pillarisation in facilitating or hindering the gay and lesbian (GL) social movement. Pillarisation ended, however, just as the GL movement was beginning to gain momentum. In this article, gay and lesbian advocacy is examined from 1986-1994, during which the government engaged in designing a national policy to combat anti-homosexual discrimination. After describing the transition from a political cultural of pillarisation to one of corporatism, I will investigate the extent to which corporatism was extended to the gay and lesbian social movement and structured relations between the government and the gay and lesbian social movement. Last, I will examine the ways in which a political culture of corporatism affected gay and lesbian advocacy. In extending corporatism to the GL social movement, the government created strong partners with whom policy could be negotiated and developed. Incorporation empowered some GL SMOs and secured their ‘place at the table’. Once incorporated into the formal political arena, the SMOs were able to achieve a number of policy advancements, but they also had to compete with much stronger players. Despite the strong position of some GL SMOs, and the COC in particular, some political party opposition to the GL movement resulted in the GL movement’s failure to achieve its most central goal.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
سردار قادر محي الدين ◽  
أوميد خدر

2009 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 603-640 ◽  
Author(s):  
VENKAT DHULIPALA

AbstractThis paper re-examines the nature of the Muslim League's mobilization of the UP Muslims during the period of Congress party rule and the extent to which it was successful in emerging as their ‘authoritative, representative organization’. In the light of such a re-examination, the paper makes two arguments. First, in contrast to the existing historiography which highlights the role of Jinnah in the ML's revival, this paper underlines the agency of the local leadership of the ML in this process. Second, the paper argues that even though the ML emerged as a popular political party among the UP Muslims in this period, its strength still remained uncertain. This became evident during theMadhe Sahabaagitation between 1938 and 1939 that led to serious tensions and riots between Shias and Sunnis in the city of Lucknow. These tensions threatened to fracture the political base of the ML in the UP besides snowballing into a wider all-India conflict. During this crisis the ML stood aside helplessly, unable to exert its authority as the ‘premier’ organization of the Indian Muslims. These divisions within the Muslim community in the ML's putative bastion in the UP demonstrate that the party still had a task ahead in terms of rallying theQaum.


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