Democratic Stability and Instability: The French Case

1965 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric A. Nordlinger

The outstanding characteristic of the French political system is its historical instability. Constitutional monarchy was overthrown by a revolution, replaced by a republic, which in turn quickly evolved into a dictatorship, and when it too was dismissed by an armed uprising, the interminable squabbles among the monarchist factions allowed another republic to come into existence by default. But for an “accident” of history this republic too would have given way to a dictatorship through the bloodless medium of the coup d'état, but while the republic tottered on in the interwar period the life-span of its governments was calculated in terms of months rather than years, and with its “collapse” under the coup de grâce of military defeat a new dictatorship immediately sprang up to take its place, to be succeeded by another republic lasting for thirteen years amid constantly recurring cabinet crises, then falling in the wake of an eminently successful revolution, out of which emerged the present regime. Here we have what sociologists might label the “institutionalization of instability”, interpreted by a number of leading writers on French politics as the product of a deep-seated conflict between the “two Frances”, whether these two political subcultures are viewed as the parties of mouvement and of I'ordre établi, or as the “administrative and representative traditions.”

2008 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 471-487
Author(s):  
Sue Davis

Elections are one of the major ways in which democratic governments maintain legitimacy. Do elections serve the same functions in transitioning, non-democratic, or semi-democratic systems? Perhaps the relationship between elections and legitimacy is different in systems that are not fully democratic? And what of the media? Is their role the same or is the role they play dependent upon the type of system in which they exist? The Republic of Georgia offers an interesting case in which to look at these relationships. I would posit that in transitioning, non-democratic, and semi-democratic systems, elections serve a different function than in a fully democratic society and the media are one tool that leaders in such systems can use to enhance their legitimacy. When non-democratic leaders enjoy popularity, there is no need to finesse the media since positive coverage is easy to come by when you are popular. But if your popularity is waning and democratic habits are not well ingrained, the temptation to overtly or covertly subvert the media can be quite intense. So instead of maintaining legitimacy, elections may serve to create legitimacy or at least the appearance of legitimacy when legitimacy is lacking. To that end, regimes and leaders cannot afford to lose, and moreover need to win, elections by large margins if their legitimacy is questionable. Therefore, control over the media is more important when this is the case. In fact, there may be an inverse relationship between media freedom and regime insecurity, as the insecurity of the regime goes up, the freedom of the media goes down. Couple this tendency with the fact that the media in these transitioning systems have not fully become a “fourth estate” that is strong, independent, and can hold the government and political leaders accountable and you have a climate in which the media are harassed, biased, and often co-opted. Georgia, through the 2000 presidential election, is such a political system.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2(163) ◽  
pp. 83-103
Author(s):  
Martinas Malužinas

This article is focused on the evolution of the constitutional position of the President of Lithuania in the Lithuanian Basic Laws. The analysis concerns the regulations of the three Lithuanian Basic Laws of the interwar period (of 1922, 1928 and 1938), two of which were an attempt to legitimize the political situation after the coup d’état against the constitutional government of the Republic of Lithuania in 1926 and also to implement the authoritarian government of President Antanas Smetona. The article also assesses the most important legal provisions concerning the constitutional position of the President, as well as compares the Lithuanian constitutional provisions with constitutions of other countries, primarily with the Polish Constitution of 1935. The research goals have been achieved thanks to the applied research methods, especially the comparative method, supplemented with the historical method and the method of institutional and legal analysis, which is used to analyse normative acts elaborated by legal bodies.


Author(s):  
Sylvain Brouard

This chapter presents the intriguing puzzle of French constitutional politics: a spectacular increase in judicialization of French politics in the context of a flexible constitution and a politicized Constitutional Council. The state of the art is reviewed first at the international level and then within France in terms of both theory-building and empirical understanding of amending constitutions, judicialization of politics, and politicization of constitutional review. The French case, thus, provides an important case for developing comparative theory on constitutional politics and will remain a promising area of inquiry for many years to come. The chapter points to three promising areas of inquiry: the relationships between the types of government control and constitutional amendments, the patterns of judicialization, and the legitimacy of the role of constitutional review.


2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 148
Author(s):  
Guillaume Jasmin

This paper takes a look at the role of corruption in ending the Roman Republic. It does not purport to hold up corruption as the single deciding factor in the Roman Republic's collapse but rather hopes to show that corruption did have a responsibility in bringing down a 500 year-old institution. This dissertation was written by reviewing existing sources be they historical or analytical so as to find the elements needed to come to a conclusion answering the question posed above. The structure followed by this paper is as follows: the author first exposed how the Roman Republic's political system was organized and how it functioned. Secondly, the author defined corruption and detailed a historical example of this insidious entity. Finally, the fall of the Republic is chronicled and the role of corruption in this collapse is uncovered. To conclude, the author found that corruption did in fact play a non-negligible role in the overthrow of the Roman Republic.Cette dissertation essaye de présenter quel a été le rôle de la corruption dans la chute de la République romaine. Toutefois, ce texte n'essaye pas d'assigner un rôle décisif à la corruption, mais tente plutôt de montrer que la corruption (parmi plusieurs autres facteurs) avait une responsabilité dans l'effondrement d'une institution vieille de plus de 500 ans. Cette rédaction a été écrite en révisant plusieurs sources historiques et analytiques existantes afin de trouver les éléments qui ont servis à répondre à la question ci-dessus. La structure de cette dissertation va comme suit: premièrement, l'auteur a exposé l'organisation et le fonctionnement de l'appareil politique qu'était la République romaine. Puis, l'auteur a définit la corruption et détaillé un exemple historique de cette entité insidieuse. Ensuite, l'auteur a chroniquer l'écroulement de la République et a mis à jour le rôle de la corruption dans cet affaissement. En conclusion, l'auteur à découvert que la corruption a joué un rôle non-négligeable dans la destruction de la République romaine.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (6) ◽  
pp. 1939-1946
Author(s):  
Miodrag Simović ◽  
Dragan Jovašević ◽  
Marina M. Simović

Based on international standards adopted within the framework and under the Organisation of the United Nations, all national legislations recognise several different types and forms of criminal acts regarding misuse of narcotics. It is the matter of various activities of unauthorized production, traffic and other forms of inciting or enabling others to come into possession of narcotics for immediate use, which seriously endangers the health and life.Depending on the needs of each individual state, the distinction is made between the offenses, for the perpetrators are given different types and measures of penalties and other criminal sanctions. A similar situation exists in the Republic of Serbia.The paper analyzes the system of criminal offenses in various types and forms of manifestation in the theoretical and practical sense for whose offenders that are prescribed serious criminal sanctions.


Author(s):  
Hannah Cornwell

This book examines the two generations that spanned the collapse of the Republic and the Augustan period to understand how the concept of pax Romana, as a central ideology of Roman imperialism, evolved. The author argues for the integral nature of pax in understanding the changing dynamics of the Roman state through civil war to the creation of a new political system and world-rule. The period of the late Republic to the early Principate involved changes in the notion of imperialism. This is the story of how peace acquired a central role within imperial discourse over the course of the collapse of the Republican framework to become deployed in the legitimization of the Augustan regime. It is an examination of the movement from the debates over the content of the concept, in the dying Republic, to the creation of an authorized version controlled by the princeps, through an examination of a series of conceptions about peace, culminating with the pax augusta as the first crystallization of an imperial concept of peace. Just as there existed not one but a series of ideas concerning Roman imperialism, so too were there numerous different meanings, applications, and contexts within which Romans talked about ‘peace’. Examining these different nuances allows us insight into the ways they understood power dynamics, and how these were contingent on the political structures of the day. Roman discourses on peace were part of the wider discussion on the way in which Rome conceptualized her Empire and ideas of imperialism.


2021 ◽  
pp. 9-53
Author(s):  
Krystyna Wojtczak

The article considers the legal status of the voivode during the interwar period, the time of the difficult restoration of the Polish identity and the creation of the Polish state in the post-Partition lands with three separate systems of territorial division and local administration. The legal situation of the office of the voivode is closely related to the establishment of the systemic foundations of the highest Polish authorities (legislative and executive) and local administration (initially, on the territory of the former Kingdom of Poland and then on the gradually annexed former Polish territories). The author refers to both spheres of legal activity of the Polish state at that time. She discusses the primary political acts, i.e. the March Constitution (1921), the April Constitution (1935) and the Constitutional Act (1926), as well as regulations concerning county administrative authorities of the first instance, situated in the then two-tier (ministries – county offices) administrative apparatus. Attention is primarily focused on the acts directly concerning the position of the voivode, i.e. the Act of 2 August 1919, the Regulation of the President of the Republic of 19 January 1928, and executive acts issued on the basis of these, and against whose background the importance of the legal institution of the voivode is presented: during the time of attempts to unify the administrative system (1918–1928), and in the period of changes leading to a uniform organisational structure of voivodship administrative authorities (1928–1939). The analysis makes it possible to state that successive legal conditions strengthened the political position of the voivode. In both periods covered by the analysis, the voivode was a representative of the government (with broader competences in 1928–1939), the executor of orders from individual ministers, the head of state and local government authorities and offices (1918–1928), the head of general administrative bodies subordinate to him, and the supervisory body over local government (1928–1939). The position of the voivode in the interwar period was unquestionably very strong.


2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-98
Author(s):  
Tomáš Tlustý

The presented article discusses the history of physical education and sport in local YMCA union in Bratislava during interwar period. The YMCA contributed the popularization of sports, especially basketball and volleyball. Besides them for example table tennis, track and field, heavy athletics or rugby were also popular among its members. Education of swimming and lifesaving was also part of the YMCA activity. This was the way they tried to prevent the every-year accidents on the Danube River. Its activity in the field of physical education and sport increased after finishing of outbuilding of the YMCA center in 1927. In this outbuilding gym, which was used by members to practice especially during winter season, was placed. Winter trainings had positive influence on improvement of player’s skills especially in basketball and volleyball. Sportsman of the YMCA in Bratislava had never become the republic champions though. In the second half of 1930s the physical education and sport in the YMCA in Bratislava started to be less important. After the split of Czechoslovakia in 1938 the Czechoslovakian YMCA was split as well. After that the YMCA in the Slovakia was prohibited. When the WWII ended, the YMCA in Czechoslovakia was restored, nevertheless in the Slovakia it worked separately.


Author(s):  
Daniel Kadlec

The article deals with the § 11 of the Act of the Protection of the Republic, which in the interwar period regulated the criminal offence of the Defamation of President of the Republic. The article discusses the origin and historical sequence of the crime of the Defamation of the Head of State. In the article, the author explains, with the help of case law, some terms from the text of § 11 of the Act of the Protection of the Republic, as well as the meaning of individual paragraphs or facts as a whole. In the article author presents a few very specific cases he found in the collections of the Moravian Provincial Archive.


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