The Concorde SST and Change in the British Polity

1979 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 518-538
Author(s):  
Joseph M. Grieco

Britain's experience with the Concorde Project was characterized by changes in the objectives of governmental policy for which the Concorde was to be an instrument. Early in the project, the British state used the Concorde to rationalize Britain's aircraft industry and to enter the E.E.C. Later, the international objective became less salient; the domestic objective, instead of encouragement of efficiency, became maintenance of the industry's employment levels in order to promote political stability. The shift in the purposes of policy can be linked to changes in the power relations beween Britain's society and state. The changes in power relations raise issues about recent characterizations of the British polity and other advanced industrialized societies.

Author(s):  
Craig Smith

This chapter explores how Ferguson used the moral philosophy of chapter 3, based on the moral science of chapter 2, to create a system of education for the rising Scottish middle class. It examines his notion of active pedagogy and his use of stoic and Christian ideas to create a cadre of well-educated and sensible gentlemen who would form the backbone of the British state. The chapter examines Ferguson as a theorist of the modern gentleman rather than the ancient citizen and suggests that he saw institutions as shaped by their personnel. This leads to an account that favours political stability and gradual reform. Ferguson is seen as forward looking educator rather than backward looking nostalgic for Roman citizenship.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 489-508 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel John Evans

Welsh devolution has not been adequately theorised. Following the narrow vote for Welsh devolution in 1997, many academics in Wales adopted a nakedly ‘celebratory’, uncritical view of devolution as a radical change to the British state, taking at face value the claim that it was designed to rejuvenate Welsh democracy. The power relations inherent to the transformation of the British state are rarely discussed in Wales. As a consequence, the developments which have occurred in Wales since devolution – political disengagement, the rise of the far right, the vote for Brexit – seem hard to grasp: it is simply presumed that something has ‘gone wrong’ with the application of devolution. This dominant way of thinking assumes that devolution was designed to ‘work’. Using Gramsci’s concept of passive revolution, this article argues that devolution to Wales (and Scotland) was a central plank of New Labour’s transformation of both the Labour Party and the British state. Building on a reading of the post-war British state as a historic bloc, I draw attention to the power relations inherent in Welsh devolution and the ‘top down’ nature of the process, which was led by the Labour party in order to preserve its hegemony in Wales and the United Kingdom as a whole. After outlining the political struggles and strategies of transformismo which occurred within the process of passive revolution, where hegemony is temporarily ‘thinned’, I contend that contemporary Wales represents a period of interregnum, where the old world (the traditional centralised British state) has died, but a new Welsh state cannot be born. As Gramsci predicted, this has led to the emergence of a host of ‘morbid symptoms’ in Wales. I conclude by reflecting on the nature of the interregnum and whether ‘restoration’ or ‘revolution’ is likely to triumph in Wales.


Author(s):  
Tim Blanning ◽  
Hagen Schulze

Held in September 2003, the conference on ‘Unity and diversity in European culture, c. 1800’ was a joint initiative on the part of the British Academy and the German Historical Institute London. It tackled a topic of central importance to the historiography of Europe during the period: the transition from the cosmopolitan culture of the Enlightenment to the self-consciously national cultures of the nineteenth century. The nine papers, when presented at the conference, were divided into three sessions in which attendees discussed topics ranging from art and its publics, the idea of a national opera, the invention of German music, political culture, cosmopolitanism, patriotism, nationalism, the cultural policy of the British state in European perspective from 1780 to 1850, the invention of national languages, representations of the past in Irish vernacular literature from 1650 to 1850, the marked decline in the degree and importance of patronage by the churches and the nobility, the decline of international languages in favour of national vernaculars and the significance of the ‘fine arts’ as being conducive to social harmony, economic prosperity and political stability.


Author(s):  
Diane M. Vanderwalker

There is a widespread interest in understanding the properties of Al-base alloys so that progress can be made toward extending their present applications in the aircraft industry. Al-Zn-Mg is precipitation hardened to gain its high strength; however, during aging the formation of heterogeneous precipitates on the grain boundaries creates a precipitate-free zone in the adjacent region. Since high angle grain boundaries are not easily characterized, it is difficult to establish a relationship between the precipitate and the boundary structure. Therefore, this study involves precipitation on low angle grain boundaries where the boundary and the precipitate can be fully analyzed.


Author(s):  
Brynne D. Ovalle ◽  
Rahul Chakraborty

This article has two purposes: (a) to examine the relationship between intercultural power relations and the widespread practice of accent discrimination and (b) to underscore the ramifications of accent discrimination both for the individual and for global society as a whole. First, authors review social theory regarding language and group identity construction, and then go on to integrate more current studies linking accent bias to sociocultural variables. Authors discuss three examples of intercultural accent discrimination in order to illustrate how this link manifests itself in the broader context of international relations (i.e., how accent discrimination is generated in situations of unequal power) and, using a review of current research, assess the consequences of accent discrimination for the individual. Finally, the article highlights the impact that linguistic discrimination is having on linguistic diversity globally, partially using data from the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and partially by offering a potential context for interpreting the emergence of practices that seek to reduce or modify speaker accents.


2012 ◽  
pp. 4-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. North ◽  
J. Wallis ◽  
S. Webb ◽  
B. Weingast

The paper presents a summary of the forthcoming book by the authors and discusses the sample study of the 9 developing countries. While admitting the non-linearity of economic development they claim that the developing countries make a transition from the limited access orders (where the coalition of powerful elite groups plays a major role, that is based on personal connections and hampers free political and economic competition) to the open access orders with democratic government and efficient decentralized economic system. The major conclusion of this article is that what the limited access societies should do is not simply introducing open access institutions, but reorganizing the incentives of the elites so that to limit violence, provide economic and political stability and make a gradual transition to the open access order beneficial for the elites.


ALQALAM ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 47
Author(s):  
Joko Priyanto

Religion Blasphemy addressed to Jakarta Governor who is also a candidate for Jakarta Governor Election 2017 is the beginning of a series of polemic along process of Jakarta Governor Election 2017. This case triggers friction between Islamic society as a civil society and government as authority. This research explored this case by using theory of power relations Foucault. The result shows that the mass movement of Islamic society is power from Islamic society knowledge. Power structure tries to discipline this movement by hegemony in form of discourse. However, hegemonic discourse from civil society (Islamic society) also tries to challenge. The fight of hegemonic in form of discourse becomes so viral in all media, element and institution. This research shows that the discourse of Leader and Diversity is a signifier empty which be contestation of giving meaning.   Keywords: knowledge, power, Foucoult, religion.


Author(s):  
Nicholas B. TORRETTA ◽  
Lizette REITSMA

Our contemporary world is organized in a modern/colonial structure. As people, professions and practices engage in cross-country Design for Sustainability (DfS), projects have the potential of sustaining or changing modern/colonial power structures. In such project relations, good intentions in working for sustainability do not directly result in liberation from modern/colonial power structures. In this paper we introduce three approaches in DfS that deal with power relations. Using a Freirean (1970) decolonial perspective, we analyse these approaches to see how they can inform DfS towards being decolonial and anti-oppressive. We conclude that steering DfS to become decolonial or colonizing is a relational issue based on the interplay between the designers’ position in the modern/colonial structure, the design approach chosen, the place and the people involved in DfS. Hence, a continuous critical reflexive practice is needed in order to prevent DfS from becoming yet another colonial tool.


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