Political Representation and South Korean Women

1999 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 432-448 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kyung-Ae Park

In his 1955 book, The Political Role of Women, Maurice Duverger brought our attention to the lack of representation of women in politics. Since that time, the dismal underrepresentation of women in politics has not much improved. Few women rise to leadership positions in politics; as Jean Blondel found in a more recent cross-cultural comparison of political leaders, less than 0.005 percent of all leaders were women (1987, 116–17). Regarding women's political participation, political scientists used to assert that women tended to “limit attention to the superficial and irrelevant aspects of politics” (Lane 1959, 213). Many argued that women had a different political view than did men: they were apolitical, they personalized politics, and they adopted their husbands' political orientations. Accordingly, they became political leaders only by default, as substitutes for deceased husbands or fathers.

2018 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-87
Author(s):  
Diana Højlund Madsen

The article explores the role of formal and informal institutions in influencing the representation of women in the two major political parties in Ghana – NDC (National Democratic Congress) and NPP (New Patriotic Party) – as well as the small party CPP (Convention People’s Party). Paradoxically, with its first president, Kwame Nkrumah (CPP), Ghana was one of the first countries in Africa to introduce a quota in 1959, reserving ten seats for women in Parliament. With a representation of 11% women after the election in 2012 and 13% after the election in 2016, however, Ghana has not been part of the positive development on the continent. Drawing on the body of literature on feminist institutionalism, the article explores the dynamics of power and change relating to the low representation of women in politics in Ghana. It further investigates responses to initiatives to promote more female candidates in Parliament – the reduction of filing fees and the introduction of women’s seats. The article argues that the formal institutions in the form of party structures work both as an obstacle and an opportunity to promote more women in politics, and that the informal structures in the form of the gender culture in Parliament and verbal abuse work against more women in politics.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (9) ◽  
pp. 12-17
Author(s):  
Athena De Albuquerque Farias

The aim of this study is to briefly analyse the under-representation of women in politics with a specific reference to Italy in the light of the Italian Constitutional Court Judgment nº 4 of 2010. Therefore, some concepts are of major importance to better understand the framework. in order to achieve gender balance on the basis of political representation in practice, parity must be enforced, and it may occur either for the parties themselves or by the law. Keywords: Woman in politics. Italian Constitution. Gender Balance.


Author(s):  
Dominique Darbon

The African middle class (AMC) is an elusive category with high political significance. In spite of its vagueness and its controversial nature, this so-called social category is consistently used by a number of individual actors and institutions alike, including IO, NGOs, business interests, and political leaders in Africa for political purposes. The words “African middle class” are suggestive enough to produce new images of African social structures and turn the “hopeless continent” into a “miracle,” a new “powerhouse.” They are strong enough to grant new legitimacy to failing political leaders and the well off and to let people and academics alike anticipate the rise of democratic, stable, uncorrupted institutions. However, people “of the middle of the diamond” in Africa do not exist as a social community or a class. They do not share a common political identity. They have no political role of their own. The diversity of social subgroups may occasionally mobilize together, but for a short period of time and on highly different grounds. The political role of the AMC is as elusive as their mere existence. New social groups of limited prosperity are on the rise. However, they are far from making a class and mobilizing for political purposes. The rise of middle classes in emerging countries became a research theme at the beginning of the 2000s. The discussion took root in sub-Saharan African countries in the 2010s without any in-depth debate about its relevance. It was as if the AMC or classes already existed before the examination of a still very confused and heterogeneous set of transformations of the social structure of African societies was conducted. As a result, the AMC concept appears in almost all analyses as elastic, elusive, cobbled together, and uncertain as to its boundaries, its characteristics, its components, or its homogeneity. This confusion does not prevent authors from anticipating the meaning and effects of the AMC for political stability and democratization. Before studying how the people grouped behind this label can affect and be affected by politics and policies, it is necessary to understand how politically loaded this middle-class label is.


Rusin ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 316-331
Author(s):  
M.P. Zan ◽  

The article highlights the problem of ethnic identification and socio-political representation of Rusins in Slovakia and Ukraine. The author bases his presentation on the results of an survey among Slovak and Ukrainian experts. The object of research is the Rusin ethnic group of northwestern area in Slovakia (Prešov and Kosice self-governing regions) and Transcarpathian region of Ukraine. According to the survey among Slovak experts, 44% consider Rusins “a separate ethnic group, different from Ukrainians”; the same number of respondents defines Rusins “a sub-ethnic (ethnographic) group of Ukrainians”; 12 % cannot decide on this issue. Most of the respondents in Ukraine (44 %) define Rusins “a sub-ethnic (ethnographic) group of Ukrainian people”; 28 % are convinced that Rusins are representatives of a separate ethnic group, different from Ukrainians; 28 % stated their own options regarding the nature of ethnic identification of Rusins. The vast majority of Slovak experts (52 %) define “rather active” public and political participation of Rusins; 16 % state “active” participation; 16 % define it “rather passive”; 8% – “passive”, 8% were undecided about the answer. The Ukrainian respondent opinions were divided as follows: 48 % consider the public and political participation of Rusins “rather passive”; 28 % – “passive”; 16 % – “rather active”; 4% indicated the “active” role of Rusin national cultural associations with the remark that only older generations are involved; 4 % public and political participation of Rusins was defined as ”ineffective”. Slovak experts emphasized the active work of public and political leaders of Rusin origin Peter Krajnak, Miroslav Lajcak and Peter Medvid’. The respondents from Ukraine named Rusin leaders Yevhen Zhupan and Yuriy Prodan in Transcarpathian regional public and political environment.


Author(s):  
A. Fedorovsky ◽  
V. Shvydko

Missile launches and nuclear tests by DPRK in 2013 undermined inter-Korean cooperation and regional stability. The primary purpose of these activities was to strengthen legitimacy of Kim Jong Un’s administration. South Korean president Park Geun-Hye’s trustpolitik policy focused on improving mutual understanding and developing step-by-step inter-Korean cooperation. Regional powers jointly opposed North Korea’s missile and nuclear programs, but failed to elaborate common understanding on policies to promote security in the Korean peninsula as well as on prospects for the unification of Korea.


Author(s):  
Niki Johnson

Niki Johnson shows that despite Uruguay being an institutionalized democracy, women have struggled to make numerical progress in politics. Formal and informal institutions that are inherently ridden with political biases limit women’s representation. Small district and party magnitudes along with male-biased candidate selection rules hindered women’s entry into office until the adoption of a gender quota, which was applied minimally by the main parties. Even with a quota, they still do not prioritize gender as a criterion for political office. Johnson points out that substantive representation of women has been historically strong. Uruguay has had a longstanding cross-party women’s caucus in the national parliament that has helped pass significant policies to help women. This contrasts with other countries where small numbers of women have meant more limited policy progress for women. Yet women still face numerous challenges both in terms of numbers and operating as women in politics in Uruguay.


Author(s):  
Hadi Prabowo ◽  
Ismail

The purpose of this study is to describe the factors causing the decline of women's involvement in the legislature in West Sumatra. The method used in this study is a qualitative method with descriptive type. The findings of this study indicate that the decline in representation of women in the West Sumatra DPRD from 7 people in the 2014-2019 period to 4 in the 2019-2024 period. This is due to (1) The perspective that considers the strong patriarchal paradigm in most Indonesian people, (2) Women have a multi-dual role to take care of domestic and public life, (3) People's mindset that tends to idolize brave men and bears to be elected, (4) Women do not choose women, meaning the low awareness of women to choose women legislative candidates, (5) Political organizations do not really have full commitment to empower women. Comprehensively, the role of women is very limited in policy making and decision making and leadership positions that are still held by men due to socio-cultural conditions which make it difficult for women to be fully involved in it.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-115
Author(s):  
Rezki Satris

This study discusses the role of ex-combatant parties in advocating post-conflict women by using the Aceh Party case study. Aceh Party is one of the parties that transformed the struggle movement from the armed movement into a political party movement through general elections. The ex-combatant party was formed by post-conflict combatants after peace negotiations. The ex-combatant party which later became the case study material in this study was the ex-combatant party (Aceh Party) in Aceh. The presence of ex-combatant parties as part of the democratization process has a different reception towards the equality discourse of women in the participation and representation of public spaces, especially representation in politics. The Aceh Party has a tendency for women only as a formality to fulfill a 30 percent quota, without involving women seriously in political matters. This certainly can be seen how the party programs tend to be gender biased. The purpose of this study is to look at the phenomenon of the presence of post-conflict ex-combatant parties as part of the democratization process in providing advocacy for women. Through this research with a qualitative approach both sourced from primary and secondary data by tracing various literature, documents, and other supporting materials.


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