The Indigenista Novel and the Mexican Revolution

1977 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 652-660
Author(s):  
Donald L. Schmidt

Of all the issues raised by the Mexican Revolution, none has stimulated artistic creativity more than that of the Indian, his past, his culture and his exclusion from the mainstream of national life. At the same time, no artistic form provides so thorough a treatment of these issues as the indigenista novel.While the Revolution was not launched by Indians, nor were their interests initially central to it, as it developed their problems became a natural and important issue in the reorganization of Mexican society. As one writer observes: “in attempting to organize Mexican society, the mestizo revolutionary has had no other choice but to take into consideration the indigenous factor, so that although the Revolution was not the work of the Indian, in certain ways it has been for his benefit.”2

Author(s):  
John Mraz

Photography, film, and other forms of technical imagery were incorporated quickly into Mexican society upon their respective arrivals, joining other visual expressions such as murals and folk art, demonstrating the primacy of the ocular in this culture. Photojournalism began around 1900, and has formed a pillar of Mexican photography, appearing in illustrated magazines and the numerous picture histories that have been produced. A central bifurcation in the photography of Mexico (by both Mexicans and foreigners) has been that of the picturesque and the anti-picturesque. Followers of the former tendency, such as Hugo Brehme, depict Mexicans as a product of nature, an expression of the vestiges left by pre-Columbian civilizations, the colony, and underdevelopment; for them, Mexico is an essence that has been made once and for all time. Those that are opposed to such essentialism, such as Manuel Álvarez Bravo, choose instead to posit that Mexicans are a product of historical experiences. The Mexican Revolution has been a central figure in both photography and cinema. The revolution was much photographed and filmed when it occurred, and that material has formed the base of many picture histories, often formed with the archive of Agustín Víctor Casasola, as well as with documentary films. Moreover, the revolution has been the subject of feature films. With the institutionalization of the revolution, governments became increasingly conservative, and the celebrity stars of “Golden Age” cinema provided models for citizenship; these films circulated widely throughout the Spanish speaking world. Although the great majority of photojournalists followed the line of the party dictatorship, there were several critical photographers who questioned the government, among them Nacho López, Héctor García, and the Hermanos Mayo. The Tlaltelolco massacre of 1968 was a watershed, from which was born a different journalism that offered space for the critical imagery of daily life by the New Photojounalists. Moreover, the representation of the massacre in cinema offered sharply contrasting viewpoints. Mexican cineastes have received much recognition in recent years, although they do not appear to be making Mexican films. Television in Mexico is controlled by a duopoly, but some programs have reached an international audience comparable to that of the Golden Age cinema.


1972 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 13-43
Author(s):  
Robert Mroziewicz

Abstract/description by editorial team (2020): The article analyzes the Mexican revolution in relation to the situation of Mexico’s rural population. The campesinos (villagers) are identified as a major force behind the revolution. This is due to the social inequality and contrasts in pre-Revolution Mexican society as well as the “agrarian question” (presence of 10 million landless, migratory agricultural workers). The article describes the structure of land use in relation to ethnicity and occupation. It also presents an historical overview of the “agrarian reform” in the course of the Mexican revolution. The article concludes that thr end results of land use reforms present a form of social agreement between two social groups active in the revolution: bourgeoisie and peasantry.


2006 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Aparecida de S. Borges

As últimas décadas do século XIX no México podem ser caracterizadas por três aspectos: estabilidade política, desenvolvimento econômico, e, conseqüentemente, de relativa tranqüilidade social. No contexto revolucionário, em contraste, se assiste ao rompimento desse status quo. Neste artigo, a partir dos relatos de alguns personagens comprometidos com o movimento armado, traçarei um panorama a respeito dos problemas da violência e da criminalidade, entre os anos 1910 e 1920, no norte do país. Abstract In the last decades of the 19th century the Mexican society went through a period of political and economical stability, and relative social tranquility. On contrast, during the revolutionary context various armed movements promoted the disruption of this status quo. In this article, by the analysis of several testimonies, I intend to show some aspects regarding criminality and violence phenomena, during the 1910 and 1920 years on the Northern Mexico. Palavras-chave: Revolução mexicana. Banditismo. Criminalidade. Key words: Mexican Revolution. Banditry. Criminality.


2002 ◽  
Vol 19 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 109-123
Author(s):  
Ward W. Briggs

The attitude of the American classical scholar Basil L. Gildersleeve toward the English may be taken as typical of Americans over the period of his long life. A native of Charleston, South Carolina, a city with deep economic and cultural ties to England, he found his youthful admiration for British scholarship offset by the sufferings of his ancestors in the Revolution and the War of 1812. At mid-century the allegiance of many American intellectuals had switched from England to Germany, viewed idealistically as a place of pure intellectual discovery and artistic creativity. British amateurism held little interest for those who were building the first American research institutions in the 1880s, but as the FirstWorldWar approached, the deficiencies of the German system and the exciting work being done by those around Jane Harrison and Gilbert Murray brought Gildersleeve back to the respect for humane British scholarship that he had learned in his youth in Charleston.


1974 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 529-532 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerry W. Knudson

A surprisingly frank letter from Francisco I. Madero, political figurehead of the Mexican Revolution of 1910, to New York publisher William Randolph Hearst casts new light on the difficult question of when Madero finally opted for revolution to topple the 35-year dictatorship of Porfirio Díaz (1876-1911).The letter was dated April 25, 1911, when Madero was with insurrectionary troops fighting at Ciudad Juárez. It contained Madero's responses to some written questions on his role in the Revolution submitted by Hearst through Sonunerfield, an American consular official in Mexico. Madero's answers were to form the basis for a news story in the Hearst newspapers.


Author(s):  
Jürgen Buchenau

The Mexican Revolution was the first major social revolution of the 20th century. Its causes included, among others, the authoritarian rule of dictator Porfirio Díaz, the seizure of millions of acres of indigenous village lands by wealthy hacendados and foreign investors, and the growing divide between the rich and the poor. As a result of these varied causes and Mexico’s strong social and regional divisions, the revolution against Díaz lacked ideological focus. The revolutionaries ousted Díaz within six months but could not agree on the new social and political order and—after a failed attempt at democracy—ended up fighting among themselves in a bitter civil war. In 1917, the victorious Constitutionalist faction crafted a landmark constitution, the first in the world to enshrine social rights and limit the rights of private, and particularly foreign capital. Although never fully implemented and partially repealed in the 1990s, the document remains the most significant achievement of the revolution. After 1920, a succession of revolutionary generals gradually centralized political power until the election of a civilian presidential candidate in 1946. This effort at state building confronted significant resistance from popular groups, regional warlords, and disaffected leaders who had lost out in the political realignment. In the end, the symbolic significance of the revolution exceeded its political and social outcomes. While fundamentally agrarian in nature, the revolution thus ultimately produced a new national elite that gradually restored a strong central state. One can easily divide the revolution into a military (1910–1917) and a reconstructive phase (1917–1946). However, the latter phase witnessed an important generational shift that transferred political power from the leaders of the military phase to their subordinates as well as civilian representatives, with the formation of a revolutionary ruling party in 1929 serving as the most important watershed moment in this process. Therefore, this essay distinguishes among three separate phases: insurrection and civil war (1910–1917); reconstruction (1917–1929); and institutionalization (1929–1946).


1985 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 485-499 ◽  
Author(s):  
James J. Horn

Despite a victorious social revolution, a self-proclaimed “revolutionary” government, and a significant post-war economic growth, Mexico has not achieved a just or equitable social system. The Mexican Revolution led to the emergence of a new bureaucratic class whose “trickle-down” development strategy sacrificed social welfare to capital accumulation. Mexican morbidity and mortality patterns resemble those of more impoverished developing nations without revolutionary experience. The patterns of health care in Mexico reflect inequities and contradictions in the society and economy at large and flow from the erosion of the egalitarian aims of the revolution concomitant with the expansion of capitalism and the concentration of the benefits of “modernization” in the hands of privileged elites. Mexico's health problems are symptomatic of a general socio-economic malaise which questions the legitimacy of the Revolution.


2017 ◽  
Vol 74 (3) ◽  
pp. 331-363
Author(s):  
Nicole Mottier

The battles that peasants waged during the Mexican Revolution translated into a series of agrarian and agricultural institutions, and one of these was the Banco Nacional de Crédito Ejidal, created in 1926. Histories deeply engrained in both the popular imagination of Mexico and scholarly historiography have offered a generic classic narrative of ejidal credit, beginning with Lázaro Cárdenas. He and his cabinet sought to transform theejidointo the engine of agricultural growth for the nation and carried out a sweeping and (in qualified ways) successful land reform, thereby bringing the revolution to the fullest fruition many Mexicans would ever know. It is assumed that ejidal credit peaked during Cárdenas's administration in two major ways: first, it was in this period that ejidal credit societies received the most loans from the Banco Nacional del Crédito Ejidal, and second, it was during the same period that the bank clearly and unanimously embraced social reform goals over orthodox banking goals.


2019 ◽  
Vol 99 (3) ◽  
pp. 467-499
Author(s):  
Mikael D. Wolfe

Abstract This article combines the insights of historical climatology and analysis of press coverage to reexamine the agrarian origins of the Mexican Revolution from 1907 to 1911. Using a collection of hundreds of articles from dozens of newspapers, contemporary meteorological and agricultural bulletins, government correspondence, secondary works, and recent historical climatological data, I argue that environmental dynamics and political processes were intertwined in the four years preceding the revolution. Specifically, I contend that politico-environmental press coverage of drought and frost based on incomplete or misleading regional climatic information strongly influenced the government's relief measures and thereby exacerbated the acute economic and political crises that led to the ouster of the dictator Porfirio Díaz. By analyzing these understudied climate-society dynamics surrounding the Mexican Revolution, the article's aim is to expand understanding of the significance of these dynamics as well as to incorporate the Mexican case into the global historiography on climate and rebellion.


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