POLITICAL SYSTEMS AND POLITICAL REGIMES

2022 ◽  
pp. 41-46
Keyword(s):  
Political Regimes ◽  
Political Systems

Autocratic rulers try diverse controls on social media

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Public Forum ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Social Media Platforms ◽  
Autocratic Regimes

Subject Social media controls in closed political systems. Significance Social media present both a problem and an opportunity for autocratic regimes. Such platforms create a public forum for dissenting views, but they also offer unprecedented opportunities to monitor and quash opposition. Closed political regimes have adopted different controls on social media. Impacts Access to China’s market requires political acquiescence. Smaller social media platforms will more readily assist surveillance. Encrypted services face rising surveillance pressures -- even from democracies concerned about radicalisation and disinformation.

scholarly journals THE BIPOLARITY OF DEMOCRACY AND AUTHORITARIANISM: VALUE PATTERNS, INCLUSION ROLES AND FORMS OF INTERNAL DIFFERENTIATION OF POLITICAL SYSTEMS

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 819-846
Author(s):  
Anna L. Ahlers ◽  
Rudolf Stichweh
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Functional Differentiation ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
World Society ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Horizontal Differentiation ◽  
Political Inclusion

Abstract The paper begins with the observation that today’s world society exhibits a political regime bipolarity and suggests an interpretation, based on the sociological theories of inclusion and functional differentiation. We (1) distinguish democratic and authoritarian political regimes by identifying the different value patterns underlying collectively binding decision making. Democracy is understood as a political regime based on the ‘autopoiesis’ of its constitutive values, while in authoritarian regimes we observe a ‘heterogenesis’ of values. To this we (2) add the idea that modern states are characterized by the imperative of individual political inclusion. At the same time new patterns arise for the inclusion of collectivities. Concluding (3), we postulate that this approach allows the study of ongoing transformations of differentiation in both types of regimes. In this part, we present an overview of the hierarchy of levels of modern polities and the horizontal differentiation of subsystems and organizations.

scholarly journals Comparative Analysis of Southern Caucasus Countries’ Political Systems

2018 ◽  
pp. 88-101
Author(s):  
Konstantine Shubitidze ◽  
Tornike Tevdoradze
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Political System ◽  
Statistical Data ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Southern Caucasus ◽  
Points Of View

Caucasus is one of the most popular region for the world in the political view. Three countries – Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan – are part of that region. Despite of the close ties between them and the neighborhood, they have political system similarities and differences as well.  In the paper, we will discuss and compare those three countries from different points of view: political regimes, types of government, number of ministries, economics, political culture, political parties in the parliament and demography. We will find out which country is much forward in these spares, what are their problems and perspectives, what their main political course is and how they interact to each other. In addition to that, we will also discuss and prove our statements by the statistical data of democracy level or political transparency. In addition, it will show some actual problems in the region to the reader and finally it will draw clear picture of the political environment in the region. Keywords: Political Regimes, Democracy, Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Ministries, Government, Political Parties, Demography, Economy, Political Culture

scholarly journals The potential of state-corporate hybridization in the processes of traditional political regimes transformation

2021 ◽  
pp. 19-28
Author(s):  
Sergey Volodenkov
Keyword(s):  
Digital Technologies ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Technological Turbulence ◽  
Political Management ◽  
Strict Regulation ◽  
New Type ◽  
The Stability ◽  
High Degree

The purpose of this article was to identify the potential of state-corporate hybridization as one of the scenarios for the transformation of traditional political regimes. Based on the application of the methods of critical analysis and case study, the author researches the practice of adapting political regimes to the conditions of current technological transformations and the growth of the complexity of controlled socio-political systems. The results of the study allow us to confirm the hypothesis that, in order to ensure the stability and survival of national political regimes, with a high degree of probability, technologically developed states will implement scenarios of «absorption» of existing digital technologies in their own interests in order to increase their own diversity and complexity of the system of public and political administration. At the same time, the paper concludes that, in order to maintain their functionality in the new conditions of a changing technological environment, the traditional institutions of power will strive to implement the scenario of strict regulation, regulation, and restriction of the activities of global technology companies, which pose a significant threat to the political stability of the state. The alternative scenario is to integrate technological giants in state and political management processes, to include their essential resources and technologies (with subsequent implementation at a practical level) in the «smart» models of state and political management of a new type. At the same time, the author of the article expresses profound skepticism about the potential of using digital technologies in the processes of democratization of modern societies in the case of the implementation of the scenario of state-corporate hybridization, finding in digitalization a significant range of threats, risks, and challenges for contemporary social development in conditions of current technological turbulence.

scholarly journals The Convergence Coefficient across Political Systems

2013 ◽  
Vol 2013 ◽  
pp. 1-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Gallego ◽  
Norman Schofield
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Electoral Systems ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Very High ◽  
Opposition Parties

Formal work on the electoral model often suggests that parties or candidates should locate themselves atthe electoral mean. Recent research has found no evidence of such convergence. In order to explain nonconvergence, the stochastic electoral model is extended by including estimates of electoral valence. We introduce the notion of a convergence coefficient,c. It has been shown that high values ofcimply that there is a significant centrifugal tendency acting on parties. We used electoral surveys to construct a stochastic valence model of the the elections in various countries. We find that the convergence coefficient varies across elections in a country, across countries with similar regimes, and across political regimes. In some countries, the centripetal tendency leads parties to converge to the electoral mean. In others the centrifugal tendency dominates and some parties locate far from the electoral mean. In particular, for countries with proportional electoral systems, namely, Israel, Turkey, and Poland, the centrifugal tendency is very high. In the majoritarian polities of the United States and Great Britain, the centrifugal tendency is very low. In anocracies, the autocrat imposes limitations on how far from the origin the opposition parties can move.

scholarly journals Central Asian States in the International Rankings of Democracy Development

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-393
Author(s):  
Elena G. Garbuzarova
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Western Countries ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Soviet Legacy ◽  
The Masses

Since gaining independence, Central Asian states declared their commitment to democratization and development of a market economy, building their political systems based on the uncontested Western liberal-democratic model. Leaving behind the Soviet legacy, the political elites of Central Asian states strive to build an effective strategy for national and state development and to form effective democratic institutions. However, after several decades, the political regimes in the countries of the region have become more authoritarian than democratic. In the process of democratic transition, the countries face serious threats in the form of political instability and socio-economic problems. The renaissance of traditional national features made them an integral element of the political life of the sovereign states. The development of democracy in the states of the region is influenced by informal institutions - tribal relations, regionalism and the clan structure of society. In fact, the introduction of the basic elements of democracy into the political process of Central Asian states is formal or declarative, and the participation of the masses in politics is limited. Using various methods and criteria, international democracy development ratings assess the level of democratic development in transition states. Western countries set their own norms and rules for the democratization of transition countries based on the ratings of political transformation. As a result, international ratings are used as a tool for achieving the interests of Western countries that seek to reformat the political regimes of non-democratic countries, regardless of their socio-cultural characteristics. Each Central Asian state has its own features and dynamics/statics of democratic transit, but they are all united by the personification of power and loyalty to the autocrat rather than to the political institutions. The author attempts to trace the current state of the political systems of Central Asian states, highlighting the positive and negative trends in their democratization.

Opportunities and obstacles to building legitimate legal legitimacy In the Arab political systems

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 108
Author(s):  
Hatem Mehdi Aldefaie ◽  
Ihab Ali Abdullah Rashid
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Arab Politics ◽  
Legal Legitimacy ◽  
Legal Foundations ◽  
The Relationship

Arab political regimes suffer from a number of crises that pose a challenge to the continuation and stability of their political systems. Arab political regimes have witnessed many multi-dimensional crises and angles such as economic, social and political crises. Main in the Arab political systems.      The majority of researchers and scholars in this field are due to the weakness of the relationship between society and the existing political system, the latter and civil society, and the consequent tyranny of the Authority and its regime, and its penetration into the practice of oppression and violence in order to preserve its survival in government. Arab politics are traditional sources that do not reflect the reality of the democratic state, which is based on rational and legal foundations, and perhaps this ultimately led to the shaking or collapse of legitimacy in those regimes.

Sub-state actors and foreign policy risk-taking: The Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-369
Author(s):  
David Romano
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Risk Taking ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
External Environment ◽  
Regional Government ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
State Actors ◽  
Policy Risk

The analysis presented here offers a possible framework for understanding when sub-state actors behave prudently and more strategically in their foreign relations, and when other priorities might instead heighten the chances of seemingly irrational, erratic, or dangerous, foreign policies. Using a case study of the Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq to illustrate the argument, the author attempts to show how “regime consolidation” plays a key role in allowing such actors to prioritise policies aimed at grappling with external challenges, threats and opportunities. Internally legitimate, consolidated regimes can better present “one face” to the outside world and behave more strategically in the international arena.  Political systems lacking consolidation or internal legitimacy, in contrast, turn to the external environment in search of resources to help them with domestic threats and challenges. This may lead to seemingly erratic, unpredictable and risky foreign policies on their part. Abstract in Kurmanji Aktorên bin-dewletî û girtina rîskên siyaseta derve: Hikûmeta Herêma Kurdistanê ya Iraqê Analîza ku li vir hatiye pêşkêşkirin çarçoveyeke muhtemel ji bo fehmkirina demên ku aktorên bin-dewletî di têkiliyên xwe yên derve de bi hişyarî û stratejîk tevdigerin û demên di dewsê de pêşkiyên din şansên siyaseta derve yên xeternak, guherbar û îrrasyonel didine ber xwe. Bi bikaranîna mînaka Hikûmeta Herêma Kurdistanê ya Iraqê nivîskar hewl dide ku nîşan bide ka çawa “xurtkirina rejîmê” roleke serekî dilîze di destûrdana van aktoran de ku pêşekiyê bidin polîtîkayên ku bi dijwarî, tehdît û talûkeyên derve bigre. Rejîmên di hundir de meşrû û xurt dikarin baştir “rûyekî” nîşanê cîhana derve bidin û di qada navneteweyî de bêhtir stratejîk tevbigerin. Lê belê sîstemên siyasî yên ne xurt û di hundir de ne meşrû jî berê xwe didin derdora derve di lêgerîna çavkaniyan de da ku alîkariya wan bikin ji bo talûke û zehmetiyên hundirîn. Ev dikare bibe sedem ku ew polîtîkayên derveyî yên birîsk, netexmînbar û hevnegir ên berçav bigrin ji aliyê xwe ve. Abstract in Sorani Ektere dewllete lawekeyyekan û xoleqerey metrisî danî syasetî derewe: hkumetî herêmî kurdistanî ‘êrraq Ew şîkaryaney lêreda amadekrawn , çwarçêweyekî guncaw pêşkeş dekat bo têgeyiştin lewey le katêkda ektere dewllete lawekîyekan beşêweyekî wiryayane û sitratîjyanetir le peywendîyekanî derewey xoyanda hellsukewt deken, we katêkîş ewlewîyetekanî tir renge şansî ewey le rukeşda wek syasetî derekî na'eqllanî, namo, yan trisnak derdekewêt berizbkatewe. Hkumetî herêmî kurdistanî 'êraq wek keysî twêjînewe bekarhatuwe bo rûnkirdnewey ew argumêntey ke nûser hewll dedat nîşanî bdat çon “ptewkirdnî rjêm” rollêkî serekî debînêt le rêgedan bew core ekterane bo ewey ew syasetane bkate ewlewîyet ke amanc lêy berberekanêy allingarîy û hereşe û derfete drekîyekane. Ew rjêmaney ke şer'îyetî nawxoyyan heye û çespawn baştir detwanin “yek rûîy” pîşanî dinyay derewe bken û le meydanî nêwdewlletîşda sitratîjyanetir hellsukewt bken. Bepêçewanewe, ew sîsteme syasyaney ke neçespawn û şer'îyetî nawxoyyan kurtidênêt, le gerran bedway serçawekanda rû le jîngey derekî deken bo ewey yarmetîyan bda le herreşe û allingarîye nawxoyyekan. Eme lewaneye wabkat ke ew syasete derekîyaney ke be namo, pêşbînî nekraw û metrisîdar derdekewn le terefî ewanewe bêt. Abstract in Zazaki Faîlê bindewletkî û rîskgêrîya sîyasetê teberî: Hukmatê Herêmê Kurdîstanî yê Îraqî   No analîzê tîyayî seba fehmkerdişê wextê ke faîlê bindewletkîyî têkilîyanê xo yê teberî de bitedbîr û hîna zaf stratejîk hereket kenê û wexto ke herinda ci de prîorîteyê bînî asayîş ra gore îhtîmalê polîtîkayanê teberî yê bêmantiq, bêqerar yan zî xeternakan kenê zêde, ci rê çarçewayêka potansîyele pêşkêş keno. Bi xebata nimûneyî yê Hukmatê Herêmê Kurdîstanî yê Îraqî no arguman nîşan dîyeno. Nuştox wazeno bimusno ke “konsolîdasyonê rejîmî” senî rolêko sereke gêno ke tede kerdoxanê winasîyan rê destûr dîyeno ke polîtîkayanê xo yê çareserkerdişê zehmetî, tehdîd û îmkananê teberî prîorîtîze bikerê. Eke zere de meşrû yê, rejîmê kondolîdekerdeyî eşkenê xo bi “yew rî” teber rê bimusnê û sahneya mîyanneteweyîye de hîna zaf stratejîk hereket bikerê. Heto bîn ra, sîstemê sîyasîyî ke tede konsolîdasyon yan zî meşrûîyetê zereyî çin ê, ê xo çarnenê dorûverê xo yê teberî ke seba helkerdişê tehdîd û zehmetîyanê zereyî ro çimeyan bigêre. No seba înan beno ke bibo sebebê polîtîkayanê teberî yê bêqerar, nevervînbar û rîzîkodaran.

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