scholarly journals Power Fields of the modern world Politics

Author(s):  
A. A. Vershinin ◽  
A. V. Korolkov

he spate of violence all over the world including the West makes us to pay attention to the factor of force in world politics. During the past decades Western countries tried to reduce the problem of force to the discussion about so-termed soft power. As a result they were not politically and morally ready to the outbreaks of the use of force in its traditional meaning. This fact to large extent explains their pained reaction to the foreign policy of the Russian Federation and the ups and downs of their politics in regard to China.

Author(s):  
Petr Menshikov ◽  
Aida Neymatova

Introduction. In the context of growing anti-Russian information wars, intensive and sharp ideological confrontation active information support of Russia’s foreign policy becomes more and more crucial. Methods. Authors use mainly the methods of expert evaluation and trends, opinion polls to prove that the US has long been waging information wars against Russia first using the term (“information war”) back in 1992. Moreover, with time the United States makes the methods of struggle more and more sophisticated and has already attracted the EU and NATO as associates. In addition, the methods of comparative analysis of research results of leading domestic and foreign experts in the field of information and ideological component of modern international relations and issues of information support of foreign policy of the Russian Federation, as well as general scientific and special methods of knowledge of legal phenomena and processes made as the object of the research: the method of systematic and structural analysis, comparative legal and formal-logical methods have been used. Analysis. Along with the tools of public diplomacy our state takes all the needed measures to defend its information sovereignty at all levels. Despite the fact that the Russian state strategy has consistently created a system of detecting, preventing and eliminating threats to its information security, still it is necessary to deal with ever growing amount of antiRussian false information in the global media space. Results. Being one of the instruments of public diplomacy and foreign policy of any sovereign state, soft power takes into account the objective conditions of international relations and world politics and proceeds from the requirements of the national interests of the state as the main actor of the entire system of modern international relations. In the world practice of implementing the policy of soft power, starting with the creation of the Westphalian system of international relations, there was no precedent, when the state regardless of the socio-political nature of building a political system or the purposes of the foreign activity would be guided by different objectives and methods of analysis of world politics, the entire system of international relations and other goal-setting action in the international arena, including defined in the last decade by the concept of soft power. In the history of international relations, there has not been any world policy free from its ideological component. The thesis of de-ideologization of international relations, which received its definite distribution in the period immediately after the collapse of the Soviet Union, in the practice of foreign policy actions of all the main actors of modern world politics has clearly proved its complete failure. Today, in the context of “hybrid wars” within the entire system of international relations, the world politics is no less ideologized than during the “cold war”. The political leadership of Russia allows the hypothetical possibility of cyberwarfare, provoked by the actions of the Republican administration of the United States. In December 2019, the White House authorized the preparation of a plan for conducting an information war with the Russian Federation by special forces of the U.S. Army, assigning the solution of this task to the above-mentioned cyber command. The policy of soft power of Russia, as well as its public diplomacy, as the whole complex of foreign policy activities of the Russian Federation in the international arena, is derived from the fundamental function of defending the national interests of Russia in the new political reality. The Russian Federation has consistently opposed the transformation of international relations into an arena of ideological confrontation with the use of tools of the so-called “information wars”. State sovereignty is unified. Information security, as a factor of ensuring information sovereignty, is a basic component of the unified state sovereignty. This is an accepted truth underlying the understanding of the nature of modern international relations, the principle underlying the foreign policy activity of any modern sovereign state, due to the objective regularity of the growth of the ideological factor of modern international relations. Moreover, in the face of targeted misinformation Russia needs to ensure its information security at both levels: political (ideological) and technical (technological) ones combining cyber as well as soft power tools. Only such a combination of these two crucial elements and continuous improvement can lead to victory in hybrid wars.


Author(s):  
E. Komkova

The management of the Canada–U.S. asymmetry might be defined as rather successful example. After the World War II Canadian and American officials have developed a set of specific bargaining norms, which can be referred to as the “rules of the game”, and “diplomatic culture”. Their existence leads to predictability of relationships, to empathy, and to expectations of “responsible” behavior. The study of the Canada–U.S. model of civilized asymmetrical relationship lays grounds for further investigation on how it can be applied to the foreign policy strategy of the Russian Federation in its relations with asymmetrical partners from the “near neighbourhood”.


2015 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gubara Hassan

The Western originators of the multi-disciplinary social sciences and their successors, including most major Western social intellectuals, excluded religion as an explanation for the world and its affairs. They held that religion had no role to play in modern society or in rational elucidations for the way world politics or/and relations work. Expectedly, they also focused most of their studies on the West, where religion’s effect was least apparent and argued that its influence in the non-West was a primitive residue that would vanish with its modernization, the Muslim world in particular. Paradoxically, modernity has caused a resurgence or a revival of religion, including Islam. As an alternative approach to this Western-centric stance and while focusing on Islam, the paper argues that religion is not a thing of the past and that Islam has its visions of international relations between Muslim and non-Muslim states or abodes: peace, war, truce or treaty, and preaching (da’wah).


2021 ◽  
pp. 177-192
Author(s):  
Nicole BODISHTEANU

The author considers main external and internal factors of the formation of the Eurasian track in foreign policy of the Republic of Moldova from 2009 to 2020. Among main internal factors of the development of the Eurasian (as opposed to European) track of foreign policy, the author singles out: 1) coming to power of the pro-Russian president I. Dodon; 2) current orientation of the economy on the market of the CIS countries; 3) pro-Western parliamentary contingent and representatives of the Party of Action and Solidarity led by M. Sandu, who, on the contrary, helps to blur this track. Among external factors, the author does put an accent on: 1) the influence of the Ukrainian crisis on public opinion of Moldovan citizens towards Western institutions, and as a result, the growing popularity of the «pro-Russian» foreign policy direction; 2) «soft power» of the Russian Federation, mostly concentrated on a common language (Russian) and cultural values (literature, historical past, etc.); 3) willingness of Eurasian partners (mainly the Russian Federation) to provide assistance in crisis situations at no cost, unlike European and Western institutions, which traditionally indicate a number of democratic transformations in the recipient country as one of the conditions for providing assistance. The author comes to the conclusion that the Eurasian track of the foreign policy of the Republic of Moldova is still in its «infancy», but it has great potential and promises interesting prospects for a small state with a favorable geographical position, located at the crossroads of the most important transport routes between the West and the East.


Author(s):  
Neziha Musaoğlu

Many important changes occurred in the Russian Federation's foreign policy since 2000s with Putin's coming to power. Although the foreign policy is defined as pragmatic during this period, it is in fact ideologically constructed on the basis of the concept of “sovereign democracy.” The concept constitutes in the same time the source of loyalty of the Russian reelpolitik towards the West, especially the USA and of the Russian anti-globalist policies. The aim of this chapter is to analyze the intellectual, normative, and conceptual dimensions of the “sovereign democracy” concept that could serve to conceive the foreign policy practice of the Russian Federation, on the one hand, and on the other hand its dialectical relationships with the West in the era of globalization.


Author(s):  
Arturs Stalažs ◽  
Maksims Balalaikins

Abstract This work is intended as a country checklist of fruit flies Rhagoletis Loew, 1862 for Europe (including transcontinental countries - Kazakhstan and Turkey), based on recent records, wherein we recognise 15 Rhagoletis species, including five species occurring in the Asian part of Kazakhstan. During the past 10-15 years, three species, Rhagoletis batava Hering, 1958, R. cingulata (Loew, 1862), and R. completa Cresson, 1929, have rapidly expanded their distribution range in Europe. We traced the potential route of an aggressive R. batava population movement into Europe, and it is postulated that this R. batava race originated from Siberia. R. batava was initially documented outside its natural range in 2001 in the European part of the Russian Federation. Later, this species was recorded in other territories to the west of Russia - Belarus (2010), Latvia (2011), Lithuania (2012), Germany (2013), and Poland (2014). In Germany and Poland, R. batava probably has both native and alien status.


Author(s):  
T. A. Savitskaya ◽  
A. V. Ivanova ◽  
G. Sh. Isaeva ◽  
I. D. Reshetnikova ◽  
E. Kabve ◽  
...  

The review used the data from operational monitoring carried out by the Reference Center for Monitoring over HFRS – “Kazan Research Institute of Epidemiology and Microbiology of the Rospotrebnadzor”, based on official data provided by the Rospotrebnadzor institutions in the constituent entities of the Russian Federation. Statistical processing was conducted using conventional methods of variation statistics applying the Excel program. Over the past decades, hantavirus diseases have become very relevant and spread throughout the world. In the territory of the Russian Federation, natural foci of HFRS are located in the European part of the country, Western Siberia and Far East. The most epidemically active foci are situated in the European part of Russia. Over the past decade, the intensive incidence rate of HFRS in the Russian Federation stayed within the range of 3.0–9.5 per 100 thousand of the population, the long-term average annual indicator – 5.2 per 100 thousand of the population. In 2020, 3845 cases of HFRS were registered (2.62 per 100,000 of the population). There was a decrease in the incidence of HFRS by 3.6 times, compared with the indicators of 2019. A factor that may have influenced the decrease in the incidence of HFRS was the depression of the epizootic process among small mammals, the main carriers of HFRS pathogens, due to natural and climatic factors. The nature of the distribution of HFRS incidence across the territory of the Russian Federation in 2020 was heterogeneous. Statistical processing of the data made it possible to identify 5 groups of territories that differ in the level of HFRS incidence. Almost all constituent entities of the Volga Federal District and the Kostroma Region belonging to the Central Federal District were classified as groups of territories with high and very high incidence rates. In 2021, the deterioration of the epidemiological situation is predicted in the summer-autumn period of the year in the Volga Federal District and four entities of the Central Federal District. 


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 356-365
Author(s):  
Jean Cottin Kouma

Since the mid-1990s, and even more Vladimir Putin’s accession to the presidency, reaffirmation and recognition of Russia’s status as a great power has been erected as an existential political imperative. The restoration of Russia's global influence is one of the parts of this high-powered policy implemented by the authorities. It manifests itself repeatedly through hard power initiatives outside national borders in Georgia, Ukraine or Syria. But the “color revolutions” in the post-Soviet space, primarily the Orange Revolution of 2004, prompt the Russian government to rethink its foreign policy in order to project a better image of Russia abroad. This late awareness is reflected in the adoption of a clean soft power strategy and its main key instruments are created during the second term of Vladimir Putin (2004- 2008). The notion of soft power will be institutionalized in the Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation on February 12, 2013. This article is therefore intended as a contribution to the analysis of the issues surrounding the cultural variable in foreign policy. of the Russian Federation. It is therefore more precisely his ambition to decipher the motives underlying the mobilization of resources for the purpose of cultural outreach by Russia. A country with many contrasts and, moreover, in a world cultural field traditionally controlled by strong Western powers, Russia has opted for soft power, with the triple vision of making its way, to feed its current rise and to pose as a “responsible” and “conciliatory” power. For the twelfth largest economic power in the world, it is also a question of reducing the mistrust and criticism that its presence already arouses on the international scene. The choice made on the cultural variable is therefore not insignificant; because, it is a strategy, through which Russia would like to build, if not regain its greatness of yesteryear.


2019 ◽  
pp. 51-64
Author(s):  
Dariusz Brążkiewicz

Abstrakt: Współczesna polityka Federacji Rosyjskiej na Bliskim Wschodzie jest elementem szerokiej strategii ukierunkowanej na cele w środowisku międzynarodowym oraz na cele wewnątrzpaństwowe. Polityka ta jest konfrontacyjna na płaszczyźnie Rosja – Zachód i stanowi koło zamachowe w dążeniu kraju do odzyskania dominującej roli w świecie. Zaangażowanie Federacji Rosyjskiej w konflikt w Syrii jest konsekwencją jej mocarstwowej polityki w zmieniającym się środowisku międzynarodowym. Głównym celem było wyeliminowanie rozwiązań USA i innych państw Zachodu w zakresie interwencji humanitarnej w Syrii. Poza tym utrzymując reżim Baszara al-Asada Federacja Rosyjska podjęła realizację własnego ładu na Bliskim Wschodzie, gdzie chce odgrywać kluczową rolę. Pomagają jej w tym Iran – wieloletni oponent USA oraz Turcja – nowy koalicjant, które mają też swoje partykularne cele w regionie. W przypadku polityki wewnętrznej, rosyjskie elity polityczne chcą utrwalić władzę populistyczną, oferując narodowi drogę dokonań państwa, szczególnie w wymiarze międzynarodowym – wskazując siłę militarną i wyższość polityczną, jako podstawowe elementy odbudowy mocarstwowej roli Federacji Rosyjskiej w świecie. Te kierunki polityki zewnętrznej i wewnętrznej dają obraz konsekwentnych, a jednocześnie zaskakujących działań Federacji Rosyjskiej na Bliskim Wschodzie. Abstract: Contemporary policy of the Russian Federation in the Middle East is an element of a broad strategy focused on international and internal purposes. This policy is confrontational at the level of Russia - the West and constitutes a flywheel in the pursuit of the country to regain its dominant role in the world. The involvement of the Russian Federation in the conflict in Syria is a consequence of its superpower policy in the changing international environment. The main goal was to eliminate the solutions of the USA and other Western countries in the field of humanitarian intervention in Syria. What is more, maintaining the regime of Bashar al-Assad, the Russian Federation has embarked on the implementation of its own order in the Middle East, where it wants to play a key role. Iran, a long-term opponent of the USA, and Turkey, a new coalition partner that also has its particular goals in the region, are the countries which help Russia in this area. In the case of domestic policy, Russia’s power elites want to consolidate populist power by presenting the nation country’s accomplishments, especially in the international dimension, indicating military strength and political superiority as the basic elements of rebuilding the superpower role of the Russian Federation in the world. These external and internal policies give a picture of the consistent and also surprising actions of the Russian Federation in the Middle East


2020 ◽  
pp. 5-22
Author(s):  
Igor Dobaev

Russia is the largest country in the world, a civilization state, with its unique geopolitical code. To change this course, the identity of our country, to force it to wander in the wake of the geopolitical and foreign policy aspirations of other centers of power, a number of geopolitical projects based on “hard power”, “soft power” as well as “soft power” are being implemented in the Russian Federation and beyond its external borders. At the same time, due to the large-scale territory of Russia, the presence of its internal regions that are different in their characteristics, various projects are deployed by external forces in various directions. This article discusses the geopolitical projects of the main external forces projecting their influence on the South of Russia - the territories of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation that are part of the Southern and North Caucasian federal districts. There are eight republics there: Adygea, Daghestan, Ingushetia, Kabardino-Balkaria, Kalmykia, Karachay-Cherkessia, Crimea, North Ossetia-Alania and Chechnya, two territories - Krasnodar and Stavropol and three regions - Astrakhan, Volgograd and Rostov; in total 14 subjects of Russia.


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