scholarly journals The Emerging New Global (Dis)Order

Author(s):  
P. Magri

In this paper, we first attempt to track post-WWII shifts in the balance of power between a number of big powers in the international system. By relying on a number of possible proxies for power in the international arena, we argue that what the international system is going through today is not a relatively indiscriminate diffusion of power from the centre towards the periphery, but a marked rise of China that seems to have left the rest of the “emerging world” behind. We then delve deeper into the foreign policies of the US and China, the two main powers in this seemingly neo-bipolar system. We find that risks of confrontation are rising. On the one hand, this is related to the US’s continued preference for a strategy bent on “primacy”, rather than on strategic restraint. On the other hand, Beijing’s foreign policy is growing increasingly assertive, and does not hide anymore within the rhetoric of the “peaceful rise”. We conclude by showing that this shift in international power, coupled by the grand strategies preferred by China and the US, are imperilling the fragile scaffolding of global governance. The risk is that, rather than leading us towards a new but sustainable global order, the transition will only lead us backwards: to a world in which rules are less confidently upholded, and where the logic of the balance of power and of arms races further gains momentum.

2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-69
Author(s):  
Cristina Soreanu Pecequilo ◽  
Corival Alves do Carmo

O processo de reordenamento do equilíbrio de poder global iniciado em 1989 atravessa, no século XXI uma de suas fases mais decisivas, com a consolidação das potências do Sul como atores de relevância internacional, como exemplificado pelos BRICS. Dentre estes, a ascensão da China tem provocado transformações nas relações Sul-Sul e na dinâmica Norte-Sul, incluindo o papel dos Estados Unidos, por conta de seu poder econômico, político e estratégico. Definida como ascensão pacífica, porém, esta consolidação de poder é cercada de controvérsias e tem gerado inúmeras análises sobre o seu impacto no Primeiro e no Terceiro Mundo. Diante deste contexto, o objetivo deste artigo é discutir, a partir da política externa da China os pilares de sua projeção internacional, avaliando a dinâmica de cooperação Sul-Sul contemporânea, em nível bilateral e multilateral. Por meio de uma análise documental e bibliográfica, indica-se que a possibilidade de consolidação de uma hegemonia global chinesa é matizada por seu discurso diplomático externo, e gera tanto prosperidade e crescimento, quanto desequilíbrios ao Norte e ao Sul. Da mesma forma, indica a existência de possíveis vulnerabilidades na própria China.  Abstract: The process of redefinition of the global balance of power that begun in 1989 is undergoing one of its most decisive stages in the 21st century, with the strengthening of powers from the South as relevant players in the international arena, as exemplified by the BRICS. Among them, China´s rise is affecting South-South relations and the North-South dynamics, including US role, due to its economic, political and strategic power. Although defined as a peaceful rise, the consolidation of China´s power is surrounded by debate and is generating several studies regarding its impacts on the First and Third Worlds. Considering these trends, the goal of this paper is to analyze, by evaluating China´s foreign policy, the main pillars of its international power projection agenda, considering the dynamics of contemporary South-South cooperation in bilateral and multilateral levels. By analyzing official documents and bibliographical references, it is possible to suggest that the rise of China´s possible global hegemony is balanced by its diplomatic rhetoric, and is generating both prosperity and growth, and imbalances in the North and South. At the same time, it shows China´s own possible vulnerabilities. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhen Han ◽  
T V Paul

Abstract The post-Cold War international system, dominated by the United States, has been shaken by the relative downturn of the US economy and the simultaneous rise of China. China is rapidly emerging as a serious contender for America’s dominance of the Indo-Pacific. What is noticeable is the absence of intense balance of power politics in the form of formal military alliances among the states in the region, unlike state behaviour during the Cold War era. Countries are still hedging as their strategic responses towards each other evolve. We argue that the key factor explaining the absence of intense hard balancing is the dearth of existential threat that either China or its potential adversaries feel up till now. The presence of two related critical factors largely precludes existential threats, and thus hard balancing military coalitions formed by or against China. The first is the deepened economic interdependence China has built with the potential balancers, in particular, the United States, Japan, and India, in the globalisation era. The second is the grand strategy of China, in particular, the peaceful rise/development, and infrastructure-oriented Belt and Road Initiative. Any radical changes in these two conditions leading to existential threats by the key states could propel the emergence of hard-balancing coalitions.


Author(s):  
Arshid Iqbal Dar

The rise of China and its impact on regional as well as global power structure has invited a plethora of rigorous scholarly analysis. Same has been the case for how global powers like the US in particular and its neighbours in general respond to its rise. However, if, on the one hand, the question of China’s rise has made realism and the balance of power dynamics as the cynosure of international relations (IR), the response of most of its neighbours has challenged its parsimonious ‘balancing–bandwagoning’ dichotomy. To come to the terms with new realities, scholars have come up with a new category that moves beyond this dichotomy. The new category is hedging and is hailed to be the best explanation of states behaviour when they neither balance nor bandwagon. While engaging with the extant debate on hedging in IR, this article provides a comprehensive analysis of two of China’s most affected neighbours: India and Vietnam. This article argues that not only does hedging provide the best explanation of how they respond to China, lonely as well as in cooperation, but also is the most alluring option available to them. Furthermore, this article, apart from examining the driving factors of their hedging behaviour, also provides some important policy implications for policymakers of New Delhi and Hanoi in the concluding section.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nguyen Ngoc Anh

The article analyzes the US’ containment strategy against China at international system level, including the reason, main actions, and impact of this strategy on the US-China relations. The article supposes the main reason for making the strategy is the US’ desire to preserve her hegemony over the rise of China. The strategy consists of five main moves: economic restraint, technology restraint, restraint of territorial sovereignty ambition, assault on soft power, military deterrence, and prevention of coalition alliances. These moves will make the US-China relationship increasingly tense. However, except for the excess of the limit of restraining territorial sovereignty ambition, especially related to Taiwan, the other moves may make the US-China relations tense, but will not drive these two countries to war.


Author(s):  
Michelle Alysa

<p>President Obama served two terms as the US president between 2009-2016. He managed to steer the US into Asia using the Pivot to Asia strategy. The strategy is not only used as a method to spread the US influence, but also to balance the peaceful rise of China. The strategy also includes Taiwan, whom until now is a key leverage against China due to China’s unresolved claim over Taiwan. With the US spread of influence on Asia and Taiwan, US-Taiwan relations impacted US-China relations under the Obama administration. The US-Taiwan bilateral relations become a trigger point to the US-China relations ignited several frictions. This research aims to identify implications and the result of the US-Taiwan relations towards the US-China relations under the Obama administration. Using the explanatory and historical comparative method with qualitative approach, this research indicates that the US and Taiwan relations impacted the US-China bilateral relations in several ways. It resulted in continuous and rising security dilemma, tension, and arms race in Asia. These implications are intensifying the existing differences between the US and China explained through the Offensive and Defensive Realism theories. Despite the unofficial status of Taiwan as a state, its relations to one of the major player in the world can affect the others as long as the three states remain connected.</p>


2000 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-123
Author(s):  
Amr Sabet

From Wealth to Power is a study in the social and historical dynamics contributingto the rise and fall of essential actors in the international system. Itattempts to join history with social sciences theory in order to shed light onbroad theoretical topics in world politics, such as the rise of new great powers.In so doing it seeks to add to the body of scholarship that combined the studyof state structure with traditional international relations theory. The particularfocus is on the expansive rise of the United States, not only to world prominence,but also as a modem state. American foreign policy during the period1865-1908 is examined in light of changes in the state structure along the fourmajor variables- scope, autonomy, coherence, and capacity (p. 40)- touchingupon that country's domestic and administrative development.The first of the six chapters of the book poses the main questions that Zakariaattempts to address: ''What turns rich nations into 'great powers'?'' "Why, as states grow increasingly wealthy, do they build large annies, entangle themselvesin politics beyond their borders, and seek international influence?""What factors speed or retard the translation of material resources into politicalinterests?" (p. 3) and finally, "Under what conditions do states expand theirpolitical interests abroad?" (p. 18). Such questions visualize, on the one hand,a strong and direct correlation between great powers' economic rise and falland their growth or decline. Anomalies, on the other hand, are explained as a"Dutch disease," or the malady that does not allow "a nation of unequalledindividual prosperity and commercial prowess from remaining a state of greatinfluence and power" (pp. 4-5). The latter, Zakaria claims, was an Americanaffliction during the second half of the nineteenth century. This was particularlytrue during the relatively long period of nonexpansion and isolation followingthe Civil War (1860--64). Despite a tremendous increase in wealth, productivity,and power, it was not until the 1890s that the US began expandingagain. Zakaria considers this to be an aberration, reflecting a "highly unusualgap between power and interests" that lasted for some thirty years (p. 5). Anexplanation, according to him, would not only require a full historical account,but also "first-cut theories" which clarify national behavior (p. 8) ...


2011 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-140 ◽  
Author(s):  
WOOSEON CHOI

AbstractThe Eisenhower administration's tough containment policy toward China has been conventionally viewed as an unsensible policy resulting from domestic political pressures or ideology. Refuting the conventional explanations, this article argues that during the early Cold War, the US superiority in bipolarity drove China to balance the United States in Asia. Dulles, the architect of the China policy, made accurate assessments of the power structure in Asia and the inevitable enmity with China. Driven by structural imperative, he decided to pursue containment to maintain the favourable balance of power in Asia by retarding the relative power growth of China allied with the Soviet Union and secondarily by accelerating their conflict through harder pressure on a weaker China. This case long considered as a prime anomaly to balance of power theory actually demonstrates how powerfully distributions of power shape alliance behaviours of states in the anarchic international system.


2011 ◽  
Vol 161 (3) ◽  
pp. 163-181
Author(s):  
Paweł TURCZYŃSKI

It was in the 1970s when building anti-missile systems became technically possible. In the 1980s, R. Reagan had a vision of creating such a system covering the United States. After the Cold War was over, those projects were put to a halt, but as soon as fears of terrorist attacks increased, W. Clinton started developing them again, and after 9/11, G. Bush prioritized them. The US was quick to develop proper military technologies, but the concept of the National Missile Defense was often criticized. Other countries (Russia and many EU members) criticized Americans for disturbing the international power balance and the selective choice of participating countries. In 2009 B. Obama renounced previous projects and proposed creating an international system shielding many countries. This project was accepted by NATO members and Russia, but its final creation has been put off.


2020 ◽  
pp. 135406612096704
Author(s):  
Heather Ba

International Relations scholars have long recognized the need to study the complex interdependencies of the international economy in order to understand the economic sources of national power and influence. Renewed interest in the patterns of international economic interdependencies and the structure of globalization has led scholars to a better, more empirically grounded understanding of the significance of complex interdependence for the evolution of international power. This paper examines the effect of one important and persistent characteristic of complex interdependence, American centrality within the international banking system, and argues that changes in the US financial cycle drive international financial volatility and crisis. These dynamics comprise the underbelly of American financial hegemony and pose a fundamental challenge to US leadership in the contemporary liberal international order. Financial stability is key to economic growth, which in turn perpetuates liberal political norms and institutions. Financial instability, on the other hand, breeds political discontent, which may take the form of populism or nationalism. The ability and willingness of the United States to reign in its own financial system may be key to ensuring that the liberal international system it established 75 years ago survives and thrives in the coming decades.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Fahim Khan , Anwar Ali , Dr. Hafiz Hammaduddin

In this article, there is a brief discussion on how the rising of China's state created a major threat for the United States Hegemony. According to Power Transition Theory (PTT), power is central in understanding the international system as a relative power to demonstrate the prerequisite for peace and war in the international system. So, power is basically an ability to impose on or convince a revolutionary act to comply with demands. The study is a qualitative analysis of the grounded facts and previously produced documents and researches. With the document analysis it is evident that both the countries work on the mutual interests, there is a low possibility of actual war like situation on any of the political or economic grounds between China and the US. China can be considered as an economic superpower if it peruse all its economic expansion plans, on the other hand US will remain on top on the political or military fronts.


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