scholarly journals Russian-Greek Relations: Is There a Light at the End of the Tunnel?

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 161-175
Author(s):  
Yu. D. Kvashnin
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
European Integration ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Eastern Enlargement ◽  
Political Dialogue ◽  
Close Cooperation ◽  
Ukrainian Crisis ◽  
Positive Effect ◽  
Of Greece ◽  
The Eu

At the end of the first decade of the 21st century, relations between Russia and Greece entered a protracted period of stagnation, which continues to this day, despite numerous attempts by both countries to intensify political dialogue. One of the reasons is the general degradation of Russia’s relations with the Western countries, which intensified in the middle of the last decade against the backdrop of the Ukrainian crisis. At the same time, the “sanctions wars” have become an important, but not the only reason for the reduction in bilateral contacts. There were other factors as well: Greece’s dissatisfaction with the excessively close cooperation between Russia and Turkey, different views on NATO’s Eastern enlargement, as well as interchurch disagreements.On the economic plane, Russian-Greek cooperation was hampered by the desire of Greece to diversify its energy supplies, the food embargo regime introduced by Russia against the EU countries, as well as the policy of investment protectionism pursued by Greece towards Russian companies.The greatest success has been achieved in the humanitarian field. Due to the cultural and historical closeness of the two peoples, as well as due to the disappointment of the Greeks in the results of European integration, Greece remains one of the few countries where most people treat Russia with sympathy. At the same time, the perception of Russia by the Greeks is distorted and often fragmentary. The positive effect of Russian-Greek humanitarian cooperation is often overshadowed by negative coverage of Russian foreign policy in the Greek media.

scholarly journals Migration policy and national minorities in the Republic of Lithuania: lessons for Ukraine

2020 ◽  
pp. 45-57
Author(s):  
Taisiya Shulga
Keyword(s):  
European Integration ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Migration Policy ◽  
Buffer Zone ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Migration Crisis ◽  
Ukrainian Crisis ◽  
The Stability ◽  
The Eu

The purpose of the article is to determine the factors that influenced the process of the development and implementation of Lithuania’s foreign and domestic policies in the field of migration within the framework of the EU rules (dispositive and imperative) and identify those factors that may have a similar effect on the stability of migration processes in Ukraine with regard to its accession to the EU. The task is to determine the problems (negative preconditions and consequences) of the migration sector based on the analysis of more than a decade of experience of Lithuania as an EU member and the influence of the latest European crisis. Lithuania’s strategies with regard to the following issues are relevant to Ukraine’s European integration aspirations: the migration crisis in the EU, in terms of overcoming it through a “relocation plan;” and the integration of the national minorities of Lithuania, including the Roma minority, into the country’s civil society. Furthermore, some of Lithuania’s efforts actively support Ukraine’s European integration aspirations, such as the attempt to model how current problems can be predicted and resolved by Ukraine if it acquires EU membership, on the basis of Lithuania’s experience, which has relevance for Ukraine due to the fact that Lithuania and Ukraine – along Poland and other countries – inherited the Soviet system of government, and because of their similar mentality and current bilateral relations. After the Ukrainian crisis in 2014, and the subsequent EU migration crisis in 2015, Lithuania reviewed its national policy priorities taking into account that its state boundary is the part of the EU boundary, without any “buffer zone.”

scholarly journals Ukraine–EU Dialogue: ‘Homework’ on Reforms and Maintenance of Anti-Russian Sanctions

2019 ◽  
pp. 768-771
Author(s):  
Serhii Braha
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Union Member ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Fake News ◽  
Kerch Strait ◽  
European Union Member States ◽  
The Eu

The article deals with the cooperation between Ukraine and the European Union and the coverage of events by Uriadovyi Kurier. It is noted that in 2019, European integration remains one of the priorities of Ukraine’s foreign policy. As a result, journalists pay considerable attention to various visits, summits, and meetings devoted to the issues of European integration of Ukraine. It is stated that in order to provide objective and timely coverage of these events, Uriadovyi Kurier sent its permanent correspondent to Brussels. The author emphasizes the relevance of such an important problem as Russian disinformation, especially during the 2019 elections in Ukraine and the European Union. It is noted that unlike in the European Union Member States, the spread of fake news and propaganda are part and parcel of the official state policy in Russia. The article substantiates the idea that the expansion of the European Union anti-Russian sanctions occurred after the attack on Ukrainian ships in the Kerch Strait, which took place in November 2018. Uriadovyi Kurier paid attention to this issue by writing about the working visits of then Minister for Foreign Affairs Pavlo Klimkin to informal meetings ‘Ukraine + Friends of Ukraine in the EU’ in Brussels. It is noted that the second meeting of the Brussels UkraineLab was one of the most extensive and notable events related to European integration. Equally is the fact of support for Ukrainian reforms and European integration of Ukraine in the European Parliament. Summing up, the author notes that European integration remains relevant for the new Ukrainian Government. Therefore, Uriadovyi Kurier will continue to monitor and inform its readers about all developments in this area. Keywords: Ukraine, European Union, Russia, sanctions, European integration, Uriadovyi Kurier.

scholarly journals Slovakia and V4: European Dimension

2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (5) ◽  
pp. 38-44
Author(s):  
Viktor Nikitin ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
European Dimension ◽  
Angela Merkel ◽  
Visegrad Group ◽  
Positive Effect ◽  
Government Coalition ◽  
Visegrád Countries ◽  
The Eu

After the formation in March 2020 of a new government coalition led by Igor Matovic, the Slovak government has adopted the foreign policy concept analyzing the European agenda. The Slovak Prime Minister participates in several meetings of the EU Council and at the EU summit on July 17-21, 2020. Before his arrival in Brussels, the Slovak politician visited all the countries of the Visegrad Four. Both the meetings of the EU Council and bilateral and multilateral negotiations within the Visegrad Group had a pronounced «pandemic» component: they mainly discussed the EU instruments for overcoming the consequences of COVID-19 (EU budget, Recovery Fund and Next generation EU). The organization of a videoconference between the Prime Ministers of the Central European countries and the German Chancellor Angela Merkel on May 19, 2020, had a very positive effect on the satisfactory results for the Visegrad countries of the EU Summit. As the pandemic subsides, on the agenda of European Council appeared foreign policy issues, especially the Belarus crises.

scholarly journals European Vector of Ukraine and Georgia’s Politics: the Problem of Accessing the EU

2021 ◽  
pp. 62
Author(s):  
Natalia V. Eremina
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Integration Process ◽  
The Eu

The article examinesthe European direction in the foreign policy of Ukraine and Georgia, identifies the limitations of the European integration process for these countries. Among these restrictions, not only the specific parameters and criteria for joining are important, but also the need for the consent of all member countries, as well as the societies of the states applying for membership.An additional unstable factor in this issue is NATO, because joining NATO largely removes the issue of joining the EU, facilitating the European integration process, which can be seen in the example of the accession to the EU of the countries of the former socialist camp. Thus, the entry of Ukraine and Georgia into the EU seems impossible for a large number of reasons.

scholarly journals The Idea of a “Greater Europe” in Russian Foreign Policy: Past and Present

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 438-447
Author(s):  
Anatoly V. Tsvyk ◽  
Konstantin P. Kurylev
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Russian Foreign Policy ◽  
Russian Government ◽  
The World ◽  
Ukrainian Crisis ◽  
The Eu

This article examines the notion of a Greater Europe in Russian foreign policy from the 1990s to the present. The idea developed as the Russian government sought to establish its national and civilizational identy in the wake of the USSRs dissolution. At the turn of the 21st century, Moscow embraced the idea of a rapprochement with the rest of Europe. Pursuing the notion of Greater Europe, to create a single continental economic, political and cultural space, became a major diplomatic objective as it developed a strategic partnership with the European Union. However, in more recent years its outlook on the world has changed. Furthermore, after relations with Brussels deteriorated in the wake of the Ukrainian crisis and the latters imposition of sanctions has also affected Russian foreign policy. This article considers the emergence and evolution of the idea of a Greater Europe, and examines possible ways to realize this ambition. It argues that a EAEU-EU combination could become a basis for implementing this concept. However, any potential rapprochement can only be possible when the political barriers the EU established in its relations with Russia and the EAEU are removed.

scholarly journals European integration in the program documents of political parties of Federal Republic of Germany in elections to the Bundestag 2017

2019 ◽  
pp. 43-57
Author(s):  
Hanna Kharlan
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Alternative For Germany ◽  
The Eu

The article covers the specific depiction of Eastern Europe in the programs of the main political forces in parliamentary elections in Germany 2017. Positions of political forces of the Federal Republic of Germany are characterized by the degree of impact to the course of political life. The election programs of the six parties (CDU / CSU, SPD, FDP, “Alliance 90 / The Greens”, “Left”, “Alternative for Germany”) that managed to overcome the barrier were analysed. Almost all political parties that succeeded in breaking the barrier in the parliamentary elections on September 24, 2017, presented their own vision of the European direction of FRG’s foreign policy in their election programs. All parties, except the right-wing populists, spoke in favor of Germany’s active participation in the processes of European integration. Such issues as a strategy for the further development of the EU, overcoming the negative effects of the UK’s withdrawal from the EU, and the prospects of community enlargement at the expense of Turkey and the Western Balkans were the focus of political forces. The Christian and Democratic Union / Christian and Social Union, led by Federal Chancellor A. Merkel, emphasized the need to strengthen the European Union as a subject of world politics against the background of geopolitical shifts after 2014 and the withdrawal of the UK from the EU. The Social Democratic Party of Germany, the Free Democratic Party and the “Alliance 90 / The Greens” spoke in favor of reforming the EU institutions. Instead, the far-right “Alternative for Germany” called for a radical revision of FRG’s foreign policy strategy. All political forces have noted the deterioration of the situation with democracy and human rights in Turkey, which makes it impossible for this country to enter the EU in the near future. As for membership prospects for the Western Balkans, the parties’ positions differ. The conclusions state that the formation of another “grand coalition” led by A. Merkel testified to the stability of the foreign policy and the desire to maintain the leading role of FRG in the processes of deepening and expanding European integration.

Identität und Weltfähigkeit

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ludger Kühnhardt
Keyword(s):  
European Integration ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Strategic Thinking ◽  
The Core ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Eu

The relationship between matters of identity and complex global transformations have rarely been as controversial as during the second decade of the 21st century. Clarifications on identity matters have been and remain at the core of multiple crises in the process of European integration. At the same time, the EU has been challenged to develop and implement more robust strategic thinking, and many debates continue in new forms in this respect. The scholarly articles, essays and opinions of the ZEI director Prof. Ludger Kühnhardt, which are compiled in this volume, were written between 2010 and 2020. They recall a decade of debate and experience, while, at the same time, contributing to the emerging historiography of the EU and its global relevance.

scholarly journals Immigration in the Covid-19 Era: The role of Greece and Turkey, the necessity for a common European immigration and foreign policy

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 149
Author(s):  
Konstantinos Papadakis ◽  
Konstantinos Zafeiris
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Immigration Policy ◽  
Eastern Mediterranean ◽  
Political Reaction ◽  
New Challenges ◽  
European Immigration ◽  
Mediterranean Migration ◽  
Of Greece ◽  
The Eu

Immigration and refugee flows in the Eastern Mediterranean migration path have been increased the last two decades, a fact that created the need for coordinated political reaction from the EU, which now faces new challenges because of the Covid-19 pandemic. This article analyses the new challenges Covid-19 creates by focusing on the “lesson learned” of previous pandemics and their effect on mankind and also on the necessity of a common European policy both in the fields of immigration policy and foreign policy towards the stabilization in the Eastern Mediterranean, mainly by focusing on the role of Greece and Turkey.

Erosion of “Swedish Model” and Devaluation of the Non-Alignment Policy

2015 ◽  
Vol 59 (12) ◽  
pp. 48-57
Author(s):  
K. Voronov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
World Economy ◽  
Economic Trend ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Swedish Model ◽  
Ukrainian Crisis ◽  
The Eu

The erosion of the socio-economic “Swedish model” and the reduction of non-alignment in the national foreign policy have been and is taking place in history and politics simultaneously, exerting a fatal mutual interaction. The derived deviations are leading to a radical alteration of Sweden’s image, of its previous national and international specificity. The degradation of the “Swedish model” has been taking place as a result of activity of intrinsic forces and factors closely connected with structural social problems, matters of national economy efficiency and adaptation to world economy requirements, to processes of globalization. The general destructive transformation, a big number of qualitative doctrinal and institutional changes taking place since 1990s till now in the framework of the “Swedish model” is also linked with the condition of internal strife and alignment of political party forces in the country, aiming at finding an adequate answer to new challenges of the 21st century. The events of Ukrainian crisis (particularly concerning Crimea and Donetsk Basin) apparently influenced Sweden, politically resounding with a known painful historical “Poltava syndrome”. Although the incorporation of Sweden (as well as that of other small Nordic states) in European regional and Nordic sub-regional integration processes reflects the principal objective economic trend to internationalization of the world economy, the forms, rates and prospects of political integration into the EU sometimes generate objections, resistance and even disapproval of state institutions by a part of society in connection with external as well as internal socioeconomic reasons (particularly in terms of the “Swedish model” acute agenda). The loss of the famous features of Sweden’s international policy, especially after its accession to the European Community/European Union, as well as its leveling led to the loss of the original political role of the country in the Northern sub-region and in Europe at large. Immanent undermining, washing out of fundamental guarantees in the Swedish policy of neutrality pushes Stockholm forward to shameless convergence with Euro-Atlantic partners and their alliances – the EU and NATO. To all appearances, a complicated search is going on in the country – the search of a new socioeconomic model, of the foreign policy and the national security policy modification.

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