Policy Toward Revival of Old Parties and Establishment Of New Parties in Germany

Author(s):  
Herbert Marcuse

This chapter focuses on the policy toward the revival of old political parties and the establishment of new ones in post-war Germany from the point of view of the security of the occupying forces and the elimination of Nazism. It evaluates the prospective parties according to their probable attitude toward these two objectives of Allied military government. It also makes recommendations solely on the basis of these objectives. It is assumed, however, that the elimination of Nazism, as one of the purposes of the military occupation of Germany, includes the gradual restoration to the German people of the liberties necessary for the reconstruction of their society in a democratic form, which alone can eliminate the roots of Nazism in Germany. Accordingly, the parties and organizations which may be expected to oppose a democratic reconstruction of Germany are considered in relation to a possible revival of Nazism.

Author(s):  
Viktor Mizin

The article analyzes the key aspects of the development of relations between Russia and the OSCE from the point of view of the complex issues of Euro-Atlantic security. According to the author, the acсession of Crimea to Russia and the crisis around Ukraine have further exacerbated the preceding tensions in bilateral relations. Today, they are much like the Cold war confrontation. In Europe, the military confrontation is now intensifying. Today Moscow is openly accused of undermining the foundations of the post-war order in Europe, of illegal steps to break the generally accepted international legal norms, of aggressive intentions that threaten European stability. At the same time, the existence of significant distrust between Russia and the West does not mean that we should wait for some pause, abandon attempts to take constructive steps to re-establish cooperation. Such an approach would be counterproductive – especially since both sides are sending, albeit muted, signals of readiness for dialogue. In this situation, the author proposes a number of initial steps that could increase the level of trust between the parties, would ideally move to a meaningful dialogue on the future of the European security architecture. Various OSCE mechanisms could play a useful role. The author emphasizes the importance of increasing the effectiveness of the OSCE-originated crisis mechanisms in the context of the erosion of strategic stability on the European continent as a result of the unprecedented deterioration of relations between Russia and the West. Special emphasis is placed on modernization of the crisis management potential of the OSCE and promotion of dialogue between the West and Russia, including the establishment of a novel consultative platform in the framework of the OSCE to discuss emerging crisis situations. A number of specific confidence-building measures are proposed to restore dialogue and find solutions to crisis situations in the region.


Author(s):  
Adeed Dawisha

This chapter analyzes political developments in Iraq from 1936 to 1958. Any growth of democratic ideas and institutions that had been achieved earlier came to an abrupt halt in 1936 following the military coup. Army officers, custodians of political power between 1936 and 1941, cared little, if at all, about democratic institutions and practices. They were succeeded by civilian governments, openly abetted by the Palace, which systematically interfered in the workings of the country's supposed representative institutions. Political parties and groupings operating within the straitjacket of military government and martial law had all but disappeared from the political scene. And successive governments made certain to emasculate Parliament of even the flimsiest pretense of independence and impartiality.


2010 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 174-198
Author(s):  
Jinwung Kim

AbstractThis study analyzes the role of the “military government police” in South Korean politics during American military occupation, 1946-48. It stresses that the Korean National Police (KNP), many of whose members had served in the police under the Japanese, was not a mere instrument of the United States Army Military Government in Korea (USAMGIK) but functioned as an active participant in the creation of a rightist regime in southern Korea. More specifically, the police were the undisputed “vanguard” of the rightist Syngman Rhee-Korean Democratic Party (KDP) coalition. The police force also functioned as the “big brother” of the rightist youth organizations which shared values and ideology with them. Finally, the police served as the “midwife” in the creation of the Rhee regime in the Republic of Korea. In sum, the KNP was an important political player actively taking part in the political process during U.S. military occupation.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-21
Author(s):  
Geert Franzenburg

Re-experiencing of traumatic memories becomes a social core-phenomenon concerning people of advanced age, and, thus, a core-challenge for coping-strategies. Therefore, adult educators and counselors are looking for an appropriate approach how to help their clients coping with such memories successfully. This study aims to demonstrate one possible approach based on religious coping and on the evaluation of published memories of elder German people (Dierig, 2012; Jakobi & Link, 1997), who remember their childhood shortly after World War II. It also evaluates published studies about this issue concerning their contribution to educational and/or counseling purposes. One main aspect is the comparison between the deferring, collaborative, and self-directing style of religious coping (Pargament, 1997), compared with secular analogies. Another aspect concerns the question, whether religious people are primary intrinsic or extrinsic oriented. In order to find out, why people prefer a particular strategy, an elementary form of grounded theory is chosen, which facilitates particular key categories and terms. The study does neither intend any own empirical research, nor evaluating therapeutic issues, because it is done from a German educational and counseling point of view. Thus, it emphasizes the religious, psychological, and cultural aspects of experiences and coping-strategies of people, who experienced War and post-war time as children in Germany, or of children expelled from Eastern Europe . Key words: child memories, coping strategies, grounded theory, traumatic war experiences.


2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 104-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miguel Ángel Mansilla ◽  
Luis Alberto Orellana

Chilean Pentecostals have been described as passive and politically conformist in their relations with the military government. Instead, there is historical evidence that they have been an active and interactive minority. Pentecostal denominations have participated in political projects associated with leftist political parties. Pentecostal leaders have associated themselves with various political parties as a form of political struggle for recognition, and active Pentecostal organizations resisted and protested during the military government. Se han calificado a los pentecostales chilenos de pasivos y conformistas políticamente en sus relaciones con el gobierno militar. En cambio, hay evidencia histórica que han sido una minoría activa e interactiva. Las denominaciones pentecostales han participado en proyectos políticos asociados con partidos políticos de izquierda. Los dirigentes pentecostales se han plegado a varios partidos políticos como forma de lucha política por el reconocimiento, y organizaciones pentecostales activas han resistido y protestado durante el gobierno militar.


Author(s):  
Laura Di Fabio

Abstract This piece of research aims to present a historiographical and methodological review of the history of the Jesuits, the civilian population and the military troops during the German military occupation in Italy between 1943 and 1945. The analysis of hitherto unexplored sources, accessible since 2 March 2020, allows historians to explore the archival heritage that was produced by the different religious communities of the Society of Jesus present in rural and urban territories, which carried out functions of education, pastoral care and assistance in the communities of reference. The analysis of the role and function of the religious orders as observers of ‚Great History‘ to tell the story of the life of the civilian population in the years of the Second World War and under military occupation represents a privileged point of view that still awaits investigation.


2021 ◽  
pp. 239965442110509
Author(s):  
Ross King

Bangkok presents a rich history of popular uprisings directed against its periodic military dictatorships. Then, in 2006 and 2010 there were uprisings of increasing theatricality, playing to a hoped-for global audience, but now against democratically elected governments. January 2014 saw this insurrectional performance art raised to a new plateau where the city itself became the stage and the portrayed villain no longer the government, but government as such— against electoral democracy and for some vague, imagined ideal that might be seen as post-electoral democracy based in civil society rather than political parties. An ensuing military-drafted constitution built on this rejection, leading to manipulated elections in 2019 and a new, quasi-elected, monarchist-military government scarcely understandable outside the context of the dark euphoria of 2014. Then in 2020 the tide of insurgence turned again, against the military hegemony but also against the monarchy—a seismic shift. The paper’s focus is on these events of 2014 and their 2020 denouement, also on their implications for both the space and the form of the city in a digital age.


1965 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 465-484
Author(s):  
Howard J. Wiarda

The armed forces in nearly all of the developing countries have frequently played a significant role in the political process. Because civilian groups—such as political parties, interest associations, bureaucracies—tend to be weak, fluid, and amorphous during the transition from a “traditional” to a “modern” society, the military is liable to be the strongest and best organized actor in the system. The roles may vary, from performing minimal governmental functions to exercising exclusive governing power, but in general the armed forces in the developing countries have a deeper domestic involvement in government and politics than their counterparts in the more “developed” nations.From an historical point of view, Latin America is often considered the home of political militarism. The caudillo, or “man on horseback,” has traditionally galloped in and out of the presidential palace with frequent regularity.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 387-414 ◽  
Author(s):  
Devon E.A. Curtis ◽  
Gyda M. Sindre

How do the visions of the state articulated by armed movements during conflict change when they become political parties after war? We show that ideas about the state are often central to the strategies and direction of these new parties, but there is variation in the extent to which these ideas have changed. The first part of this article shows why a focus on former rebel parties provides valuable insights into the role of ideas in post-war politics. The second part draws on the literatures on civil wars and political parties to highlight their relevance for former rebel parties. The third part provides a framework for understanding the variation in the role of ideology in former rebel parties, by focusing on ideological content and explanations of post-war ideological continuity and change. This part also introduces the other articles in the special issue and wider collection. Finally, we discuss the effects of these ideologies when they encounter other logics of post-war politics.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicolás Duffau

El artículo analiza las principales características que presentó la administración de justicia durante el período de la dominación luso brasileña en la Provincia Oriental, que se inició con la ocupación portuguesa a comienzos de 1817 y finalizó en 1829 tras la guerra de las Provincias Unidas contra el Imperio del Brasil y la desocupación de las plazas de Montevideo y Colonia. La historiografía uruguaya ha presentado el período de la ocupación como un tramo cronológico que se caracterizó solo por la ocupación militar. Sin embargo, la documentación del ramo de justicia brinda un nuevo punto de observación para analizar las relaciones entre las autoridades de la ocupación y las elites locales las cuales, contrariamente a lo que ha sostenido la historiografía nacionalista, no se mostraron pasivas ante las fuerzas extranjeras, sino que negociaron con portugueses y brasileños las reformas que consideraron más adecuadas para conformar un nuevo orden político. ABSTRACT The subject of this article is the administration of Justice in the period of the luso-brazilian occupation (1817-1829). The uruguayan historiography focuses the analyze of this period on the military occupation, However, the sources origined in the justice field give a new point of view to consider the relations between the ocuppation authorities and local elites, who negociated according their interessts with the luso and brazilian military occupying forces.


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