scholarly journals The Place and Potential Role of the OSCE in the Changing Architecture of European Security

Author(s):  
Viktor Mizin

The article analyzes the key aspects of the development of relations between Russia and the OSCE from the point of view of the complex issues of Euro-Atlantic security. According to the author, the acсession of Crimea to Russia and the crisis around Ukraine have further exacerbated the preceding tensions in bilateral relations. Today, they are much like the Cold war confrontation. In Europe, the military confrontation is now intensifying. Today Moscow is openly accused of undermining the foundations of the post-war order in Europe, of illegal steps to break the generally accepted international legal norms, of aggressive intentions that threaten European stability. At the same time, the existence of significant distrust between Russia and the West does not mean that we should wait for some pause, abandon attempts to take constructive steps to re-establish cooperation. Such an approach would be counterproductive – especially since both sides are sending, albeit muted, signals of readiness for dialogue. In this situation, the author proposes a number of initial steps that could increase the level of trust between the parties, would ideally move to a meaningful dialogue on the future of the European security architecture. Various OSCE mechanisms could play a useful role. The author emphasizes the importance of increasing the effectiveness of the OSCE-originated crisis mechanisms in the context of the erosion of strategic stability on the European continent as a result of the unprecedented deterioration of relations between Russia and the West. Special emphasis is placed on modernization of the crisis management potential of the OSCE and promotion of dialogue between the West and Russia, including the establishment of a novel consultative platform in the framework of the OSCE to discuss emerging crisis situations. A number of specific confidence-building measures are proposed to restore dialogue and find solutions to crisis situations in the region.

Author(s):  
Igor Shcherbak

The author is accentuating the importance of improving effectiveness of the OSCE’ crisis management in the conditions of erosion of strategic stability on the European continent in the result of unprecedented worsening of relations between Russia and the West. Special attention is devoted to the modernization of the OSCE’s crises management potential and maintaining dialogue between the West and Russia, including by creation of consultative platform in the framework of the OSCE to discuss emergencies. The author proposed adoption of several confidence-building measures aimed at restoration of dialogue and finding the way to settle the crises situations. In this context important role could be given to establishing complex peacekeeping missions under the auspices of the OSCE.


Author(s):  
Ulrich Kühn

This chapter discusses the military- and defence-related capabilities and policies of Western Europe’s major powers (Germany, France, United Kingdom), of the NATO alliance, the Russian Federation, and Austria in the realm of nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons (weapons of mass destruction (WMD)). It focuses on the differing roles, positions, and security policy outlooks of these actors, with a special emphasis on their respective policies towards nuclear weapons. Particularly in the realm of nuclear weapons, the situation on the European continent is extremely diverse and complex, with officially recognized nuclear-weapons states, non-nuclear-weapons states under NATO’s ‘nuclear umbrella’, and staunch supporters of a world free from nuclear weapons. Highlighting converging and diverging international policy trends, the chapter concludes that European security policies on WMD continue to have a significant impact on related global security and defence matters.


2020 ◽  
pp. 164-168
Author(s):  
T. B. Nikolaienko

It has been determined in the article that taking into account the measures for preventing military crime, there are problems regarding the usage of a special period as a qualifying circumstance in investigative and judicial practice. The author has proved that in the current conditions in the east of Ukraine, amid the war crime growth, any violation of the military discipline order is a negative manifestation of the weakening of the military formations ability to reliably counteract the enemy, but also a direct threat to the national security of Ukraine. Hence, the issue of the special period unification has become problematic amid the increased criminal responsibility for committing crimes under the conditions of special period. They relate, in particular, to the time limits of the special period affecting the origin and termination of criminal legal relations, the qualification of crimes committed under the special period, and the possibility of applying the retroactive effect of the law in case of a change of legal regime in the state. Investigating these issues, taking into account the acts of the current legislation, governing the categorical apparatus of the special period, the general rules for the legal norms interpretation and practice of the special period applying, the author has proved that the special period does not contain defining features in terms of its time limits unification, which affects the accuracy in norms’ content understanding, and accordingly its correct application. In that context, the author has suggested the notion of “special period” where, from the point of view of its time limits, it is determined that the moment of its termination (in case of partial mobilization) is exclusively the promulgation of the President’s of Ukraine decision on demobilization. The content of “mobilization time” is the period from the beginning of mobilization (announcement of mobilization) to its termination (announcement of demobilization). By analyzing the probability of the retroactive effect of the law in case of the special period ending, it has been proved that persons convicted for committing crimes in the conditions of the special period upon its completion are not subjected to the retroactive effect of the law as mitigating or abolishing liability, since the change of regime affects only the application of the law in terms of punishment imposition as having committed the crime of qualified composition.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 190-197
Author(s):  
Viliam PASTOR

Abstract: The frequent increasingly challenges, registered in the Eastern European security environment, require an unconventional approach due to the fact that classical typology of conflict has long become history, being replaced by the asymmetric type of conflict. Can European society overcome the new atypical security crises imposed by the military threat of Eastern European origin? Can the balance of military power be maintained so that Western society continues to enjoy security and democracy? These are just two legitimate questions that European states need to have a clear answer to, based on resource allocations in the military operational environment. Moreover, it is clear that security requires investments from a financial point of view and these must be continuous and at the minimum accepted level, like 2% of GDP, at the level of each NATO Member State.


Author(s):  
Herbert Marcuse

This chapter focuses on the policy toward the revival of old political parties and the establishment of new ones in post-war Germany from the point of view of the security of the occupying forces and the elimination of Nazism. It evaluates the prospective parties according to their probable attitude toward these two objectives of Allied military government. It also makes recommendations solely on the basis of these objectives. It is assumed, however, that the elimination of Nazism, as one of the purposes of the military occupation of Germany, includes the gradual restoration to the German people of the liberties necessary for the reconstruction of their society in a democratic form, which alone can eliminate the roots of Nazism in Germany. Accordingly, the parties and organizations which may be expected to oppose a democratic reconstruction of Germany are considered in relation to a possible revival of Nazism.


Author(s):  
A. N. Poliak

The feudal system of the Mamlūks is of great interest not only because it existed for 267 years in the leading state of the Arab world and left some permanent marks on the subsequent social and economical development of Egypt, Syria and Palestine, but also from the sociological point of view, being the result of an intermixture of three various feudal systems which corresponded to peculiar cultural worlds: the Mongol, the Islamic, and the West European. The fundamental principles were borrowed from the Mongol Empire and consequently all the lawsuits relating to the fiefs were settled not by the qāḍīs and according to the Islamic Law, but by the military judges (ḥujjāb) and according to the laws based upon the rules of Chingiz Khān. The technical terms used in the official Arabic-written documents and in the Arabic literary sources were partly borrowed from the terminology of the Islamic Law, but their sense was considerably removed from their ancient meanings—which may signify that they were now used only as more or less faithful translations of the terms employed in the Turkish dialect of the Mamlūks. The Western feudalism, brought to Syria by the Crusaders, influenced the Mamluk system chiefly through the medium of the native tribal chieftains, who after having been vassals of the kingdom of Jerusalem were gradually becoming feudatories of the Sultan of Cairo, and sometimes received the feudal charters from both powers at the same time. In the charters granted by the Latin rulers of Sidon (in 1256) and Beirut (in 1280) to two chieftains of the Buḥturide family the term “fief” is translated by the word shahāra, which means “a land given in reward for a service”, but the word mulk is also used, as well as the verbs a'ṭā and wahaba which usually refer to the unconditional transfers of the right of possession.


2022 ◽  
Vol 124 ◽  
pp. 35-70
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Julia Leinwand

In 1919–20, a war took place between two states that had emerged at the end of the Great War: Soviet Russia and the reborn Republic of Poland. It was a clash of widely different legal, political, and ideological systems. The conflict took place not only on the military and diplomatic planes but also within propaganda. Upon taking power in Russia, the Bolsheviks, in their official speeches, presented themselves to the world as the defenders of peace and the sovereignty of all nations; the imperial aspirations of Soviet Russia were hidden under the slogans of a world revolution that would liberate oppressed peoples. The military and ideological conquest began with a concentrated focus on neighbouring countries, including Poland. At the same time, a suggestive propaganda message was sent to the West, setting out the course of events from Moscow’s point of view.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-50
Author(s):  
John Marsland

During the twenty years after the Second World War, housing began to be seen as a basic right among many in the west, and the British welfare state included many policies and provisions to provide decent shelter for its citizens. This article focuses on the period circa 1968–85, because this was a time in England when the lack of affordable, secure-tenured housing reached a crisis level at the same time that central and local governmental housing policies received wider scrutiny for their ineffectiveness. My argument is that despite post-war laws and rhetoric, many Britons lived through a housing disaster and for many the most rational way they could solve their housing needs was to exploit loopholes in the law (as well as to break them out right). While the main focus of the article is on young British squatters, there is scope for transnational comparison. Squatters in other parts of the world looked to their example to address the housing needs in their own countries, especially as privatization of public services spread globally in the 1980s and 1990s. Dutch, Spanish, German and American squatters were involved in a symbiotic exchange of ideas and sometimes people with the British squatters and each other, and practices and rhetoric from one place were quickly adopted or rejected based on the success or failure in each place.


Author(s):  
Boris G. Koybaev

Central Asia in recent history is a vast region with five Muslim States-new actors in modern international relations. The countries of Central Asia, having become sovereign States, at the turn of the XX–XXI centuries are trying to peaceful interaction not only with their underdeveloped neighbors, but also with the far-off prosperous West. At the same time, the United States and Western European countries, in their centrosilic ambitions, seek to increase their military and political presence in Central Asia and use the military bases of the region’s States as a springboard for supplying their troops during anti-terrorist and other operations. With the active support of the West, the Central Asian States were accepted as members of the United Nations. For monitoring and exerting diplomatic influence on the regional environment, the administration of the President of the Russian Federation H. W. Bush established U.S. embassies in all Central Asian States. Turkey, a NATO member and secular Islamic state, was used as a lever of indirect Western influence over Central Asian governments, and its model of successful development was presented as an example to follow.


Author(s):  
Timur Gimadeev

The article deals with the history of celebrating the Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia organised by the state. Various aspects of the history of the holiday have been considered with the extensive use of audiovisual documents (materials from Czechoslovak newsreels and TV archives), which allowed for a detailed analysis of the propaganda representation of the holiday. As a result, it has been possible to identify the main stages of the historical evolution of the celebrations of Liberation Day, to discover the close interdependence between these stages and the country’s political development. The establishment of the holiday itself — its concept and the military parade as the main ritual — took place in the first post-war years, simultaneously with the consolidation of the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia. Later, until the end of the 1960s, the celebrations gradually evolved along the political regime, acquiring new ritual forms (ceremonial meetings, and “guards of memory”). In 1968, at the same time as there was an attempt to rethink the entire socialist regime and the historical experience connected with it, an attempt was made to reconstruct Liberation Day. However, political “normalisation” led to the normalisation of the celebration itself, which played an important role in legitimising the Soviet presence in the country. At this stage, the role of ceremonial meetings and “guards of memory” increased, while inventions released in time for 9 May appeared and “May TV” was specially produced. The fall of the Communist regime in 1989 led to the fall of the concept of Liberation Day on 9 May, resulting in changes of the title, date and paradigm of the holiday, which became Victory Day and has been since celebrated on 8 May.


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