scholarly journals TRAUMA AS CHANCE AND CHALLENGE: HOW TO DRAW BENEFIT FROM MEMORIZED CHILD EXPERIENCES IN WORLD WAR II

2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-21
Author(s):  
Geert Franzenburg

Re-experiencing of traumatic memories becomes a social core-phenomenon concerning people of advanced age, and, thus, a core-challenge for coping-strategies. Therefore, adult educators and counselors are looking for an appropriate approach how to help their clients coping with such memories successfully. This study aims to demonstrate one possible approach based on religious coping and on the evaluation of published memories of elder German people (Dierig, 2012; Jakobi & Link, 1997), who remember their childhood shortly after World War II. It also evaluates published studies about this issue concerning their contribution to educational and/or counseling purposes. One main aspect is the comparison between the deferring, collaborative, and self-directing style of religious coping (Pargament, 1997), compared with secular analogies. Another aspect concerns the question, whether religious people are primary intrinsic or extrinsic oriented. In order to find out, why people prefer a particular strategy, an elementary form of grounded theory is chosen, which facilitates particular key categories and terms. The study does neither intend any own empirical research, nor evaluating therapeutic issues, because it is done from a German educational and counseling point of view. Thus, it emphasizes the religious, psychological, and cultural aspects of experiences and coping-strategies of people, who experienced War and post-war time as children in Germany, or of children expelled from Eastern Europe . Key words: child memories, coping strategies, grounded theory, traumatic war experiences.

1968 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 494-517 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael J. Shapiro

Much of the business of the U.S. Congress in the post war period has involved issues concerning the size and scope of activities of the federal government. The legislation in this area can be traced, for the most part, to measures which originated during the period of the New Deal in response to the Great Depression and to measures enacted during World War II to meet the short-run exigencies attendant to rapid economic and social mobilization. From the point of view of the expansion of the federal role, the Eisenhower years are of some moment. While they marked a lull in the expansionist trend witnessed under the Democratic presidencies of Roosevelt and Truman, their significance lies in the fact that despite the change in adminsitrations, there was no reversal of the policies begun during the Roosevelt years. While most of the Republican legislators were on record in opposition to the expansion of the federal role, the failure of the Republican Party to introduce and enact legislation to reverse the trend of federal expansion resulted in a new plateau of federal activity from which the congressional dialogue was to proceed during the Kennedy and Johnson Administrations.While the 87th Congress, meeting during Kennedy's first two years in the White House, did not enact the quantity of legislation expanding the federal role that Kennedy had called for in his inaugural, In the 88th Congress both parties supported a larger federal role to a greater extent than they had previously. In fact the first sessions of the 88th Congress as it bears on the federal role has been summed up as follows: “At no time did the majority of both parties reject a larger federal role.” (Congressional Quarterly Almanac, 1963, p. 724) With two exceptions, the statement holds true for the second session in 1964.


2015 ◽  
Vol 50 ◽  
pp. 77-100
Author(s):  
Sebastian Żurowski

Is wihajster a name for an artifact? A lexicological studyThe basic focal points of this article are the features of the word wihajster – both those inter- (grammar and semantics) and extralinguistic (etymology, orthography, pragmatics). Moreover, the article mentions other expressions characteristic of regional varieties of Polish which share some similar semantic features. The presented semantic interpretation implies that, generally, wihajster is a semantically marked synonym for narzędzie ‘tool,’ some of the examples, however, show that there are speakers who attribute to it an even broader scope of reference. The examples that illustrate the analysis have mostly been derived from fiction. Their analysis shows that referring to wihajster as a "post-war neologism" is not justified. The word undoubtedly appeared in Polish before World War II, and most probably even back in the 19th century. It is equally unreliable from the academic point of view to call wihajster a Germanism – unless we are prepared to abandon defining the latter as a loan word from German. All in all, the word does indeed imitate in sound the German phrase wie heisst er?, yet this linguistic unit did not evolve within German and thus is not an external loan. It can only be considered an internal loan from local dialects into general Polish. Czy wihajster jest nazwą artefaktu? Szkic leksykologicznyPodstawowym przedmiotem zainteresowania w artykule są cechy wewnątrz- (gramatyka i semantyka) i zewnątrzjęzykowe (etymologia, ortografia, pragmatyka) wyrażenia wihajster. Ponadto wspomniane są inne wyrażenia odmian (głównie regionalnych) języka polskiego, które mają podobne cechy semantyczne. Zapro­ponowana interpretacja semantyczna zakłada, że są to nacechowane synonimy narzędzia, choć część przykładów pokazuje, że użytkownicy języka przypisują im czasem jeszcze szerszy zakres odniesienia. Wykorzystywane do ilustracji toku wywodu przykłady pochodzą przede wszystkim z literatury pięknej. Ich ana­liza pokazuje, że częste w literaturze przedmiotu określanie wihajstra mianem „powojennego neologizmu” jest nieuprawnione – wyrażenie to pojawiło się w języku polskim na pewno przed II wojną światową, a prawdopodobnie jeszcze w XIX wieku. Równie nierzetelne naukowo jest nazywanie wihajstra germanizmem – chyba że germanizm zostanie zdefiniowany nie jako zapożyczenie z języka niemieckiego. Wihajster w istocie jest bowiem wyrażeniem naśladują­cym brzmienie niemieckiej frazy wie heisst er?, ale jednostka ta nie powstała na gruncie języka niemieckiego i nie jest zapożyczeniem zewnętrznym. Można ją traktować jedynie jako zapożyczenie wewnętrzne z gwar do języka ogólnego.


2018 ◽  
Vol 143 ◽  
pp. 387-401
Author(s):  
Eva Teshajev Sunderland

Ausgehend von der Tatsache, dass Sprachwörterbücher ebenfalls einen Einblick in die Zeitgeschichte und somit in politische, gesellschaftliche und kulturelle Aspekte geben, werden im vorliegenden Beitrag die zur Veranschaulichung der Stichwörter verwendeten Belegbeispiele aus ausgewählten Lemmastrecken A, B, C, Ć, K, Z, Ź und Ż des einsprachigen polnischen Wörterbuchs Słownik języka polskiego 1958–1969 daraufhin untersucht, welches Bild sie von den Deutschen und den deutsch-polnischen Beziehungen in der Nachkriegszeit transportieren. Dabei konnte festgestellt werden, dass das Thema Deutschland zwar nur selten im Wörterbuchs auftaucht, die vorhandenen Belegbeispiele mit Deutschenbezug jedoch ein negatives Deutschenbild, das tatsächlich im Nachkriegspolen präsent war, vermitteln. References to recent history in dictionaries. How German-Polish relations are reflected in the Słownik języka polskiego 1958–1969, edited by Witold Doroszewski, with regard to World War II and post-war politicsDictionaries can give us an insight into the history of a certain period and its political, social and cultural aspects. Therefore, this article has explored the image of the Germans and German-Polish relations in post-war times found in the monolingual Polish dictionary Słownik języka polskiego 1958–1969. The author conducted this analysis by reviewing all the headwords listed under certain letters A, B, C, Ć, K, Z, Ź and Ż in this dictionary, then examining the example sentences she found which mentioned these topics. Results show that although the topic of Germany occurs rarely in the dictionary, the example sentences that do contain references to the Germans reveal a negative image which corresponds to the widespread Polish image of the Germans in post-war times.


Author(s):  
Diego Gaspar Celaya

Professor Robert O. Paxton is one of the greatest historians who has most reflected on France, fascism and Europe during World War II. His research has changed the historical understanding of France’s Vichy régime, as he used exceptional empirical evidence to demonstrate that Vichy was a voluntary program, at least at first, more than one forced on France by German pressure. In this interview he is asked about some burning issues concerning fascism historiography today, the Spanish case, and also his personal point of view about the relationship between history and memory about World Word II in France. This gives him cause to review topics such as historiography, present tendencies in fascism studies, the specificities of Franco’s régime and the dominant post war memories in France.Key wordsFascism, memory, Resistance, francoism.AbstractLe Professeur Robert O. Paxton est l’un des plus grands historiens qui ait réfléchi sur la France, le fascisme et l’Europe pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Ses recherches ont changé la compréhension de l'histoire du régime de Vichy en France. Il a notamment démontre que Vichy était un programme volontaire, au moins au début, plutôt qu’une contrainte sous la pression allemande. Dans cette interview, il est interrogé à propos de questions brûlantes qui concernent l'historiographie du fascisme aujourd'hui, le développement du fascisme en Espagne, et aussi son point de vue personnel sur la relation entre histoire et mémoire de la seconde Guerre mondiale en France. Cette type de question a permis à monsieur Paxton d'examiner des thèmes tels que les tendances actuelles de l’historiographie sur le fascisme, les spécificités du régime de Franco et les souvenirs et mémoires qui dominent l'après-guerre en France par rapport à la période de Vichy et à la Résistance.Mots clé.Fascisme, mémoire, Résistance, franquisme.


Author(s):  
Martin Brooks

Abstract This essay describes Ivor Gurney’s use of the word ‘strafe’ in his poems of the First World War. At the outbreak of the War, the word was a new arrival in the English national consciousness. It had come to prominence in the German Army’s slogan, ‘Gott strafe England’ (‘God punish England’). Allied counterpropagandists soon redeployed this slogan as evidence that the German people were hateful and frenzied, and it gained currency as an informal English noun for a German artillery bombardment. In poems dating from during and after the War, Gurney draws on ‘strafe’s’ interlinguistic existence to express his contempt for the two powers’ propaganda. In treating the word as fluctuating between two languages, Gurney stages his separation from both English and German narratives of nationhood. Tracking his use of the word ‘strafe’ shows how he described the importance of individual experiences for understanding the War, portrayed a sense of ‘Wonder’ that he suggested could define soldier poets, and expressed his post-war belief that England had betrayed him. By outlining how Gurney attached these possibilities to ‘strafe’, this essay contributes to the wider critical understanding of how and why he wrote about his War experiences.


2008 ◽  
pp. 177-205
Author(s):  
Adam Kopciowski

In the early years following World War II, the Lublin region was one of the most important centres of Jewish life. At the same time, during 1944-1946 it was the scene of anti-Jewish incidents: from anti-Semitic propaganda, accusation of ritual murder, economic boycott, to cases of individual or collective murder. The wave of anti-Jewish that lasted until autumn of 1946 resulted in a lengthy and, no doubt incomplete, list of 118 murdered Jews. Escalating anti-Jewish violence in the immediate post-war years was one of the main factors, albeit not the only one, to affect the demography (mass emigration) and the socio-political condition of the Jewish population in the Lublin region


2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine Jenness

This paper explores the way American intellectuals depicted Sigmund Freud during the peak of popularity and prestige of psychoanalysis in the US, roughly the decade and a half following World War II. These intellectuals insisted upon the unassailability of Freud's mind and personality. He was depicted as unsusceptible to any external force or influence, a trait which was thought to account for Freud's admirable comportment as a scientist, colleague and human being. This post-war image of Freud was shaped in part by the Cold War anxiety that modern individuality was imperilled by totalitarian forces, which could only be resisted by the most rugged of selves. It was also shaped by the unique situation of the intellectuals themselves, who were eager to position themselves, like the Freud they imagined, as steadfastly independent and critical thinkers who would, through the very clarity of their thought, lead America to a more robust democracy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 142-156
Author(s):  
A. Yu. Timofeev

The article considers the perception of World War II in modern Serbian society. Despite the stability of Serbian-Russian shared historical memory, the attitudes of both countries towards World wars differ. There is a huge contrast in the perception of the First and Second World War in Russian and Serbian societies. For the Serbs the events of World War II are obscured by the memories of the Civil War, which broke out in the country immediately after the occupation in 1941 and continued several years after 1945. Over 70% of Yugoslavs killed during the Second World War were slaughtered by the citizens of former Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The terror unleashed by Tito in the first postwar decade in 1944-1954 was proportionally bloodier than Stalin repressions in the postwar USSR. The number of emigrants from Yugoslavia after the establishment of the Tito's dictatorship was proportionally equal to the number of refugees from Russia after the Civil War (1,5-2% of prewar population). In the post-war years, open manipulations with the obvious facts of World War II took place in Tito's Yugoslavia. In the 1990s the memories repressed during the communist years were set free and publicly debated. After the fall of the one-party system the memory of World War II was devalued. The memory of the Russian-Serbian military fraternity forged during the World War II began to revive in Serbia due to the foreign policy changes in 2008. In October 2008 the President of Russia paid a visit to Serbia which began the process of (re) construction of World War II in Serbian historical memory. According to the public opinion surveys, a positive attitude towards Russia and Russians in Serbia strengthens the memories on general resistance to Nazism with memories of fratricide during the civil conflict events of 1941-1945 still dominating in Serbian society.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-3) ◽  
pp. 70-81
Author(s):  
David Ramiro Troitino ◽  
Tanel Kerikmae ◽  
Olga Shumilo

This article highlights the role of Charles de Gaulle in the history of united post-war Europe, his approaches to the internal and foreign French policies, also vetoing the membership of the United Kingdom in the European Community. The authors describe the emergence of De Gaulle as a politician, his uneasy relationship with Roosevelt and Churchill during World War II, also the roots of developing a “nationalistic” approach to regional policy after the end of the war. The article also considers the emergence of the Common Agricultural Policy (hereinafter - CAP), one of Charles de Gaulle’s biggest achievements in foreign policy, and the reasons for the Fouchet Plan defeat.


Author(s):  
Magdalena Saryusz-Wolska

The article focuses on advertisements as visual and historical sources. The material comes from the German press that appeared immediately after the end of the Second World War. During this time, all kinds of products were scarce. In comparison to this, colorful advertisements of luxury products are more than noteworthy. What do these images tell us about the early post-war years in Germany? The author argues that advertisements are a medium that shapes social norms. Rather than reflecting the historical realities, advertisements construct them. From an aesthetical and cultural point of view, advertisements gave thus a sense of continuity between the pre- and post-war years. The author suggests, therefore, that the advertisements should not be treated as a source for economic history. They are, however, important for studying social developments that occurred in the past.


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