Partisan Differences in Job Approval Ratings of George W. Bush and U.S. Senators in the States

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary C. Jacobson
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
State Level ◽  
Degree Of Polarization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Roll Call ◽  
Approval Ratings ◽  
Public Opinion Surveys ◽  
Sources Of Variation ◽  
Job Approval ◽  
Political Opinions

This chapter addresses issues related to partisan differences in political opinions by examining a unique set of state-level public opinion surveys. It compares the state-level determinants of the job approval ratings of the president and the senators and finds that they have almost nothing in common. The chapter then compares the sources of partisan differences in states' ratings of the president and senators and again finds that they have almost nothing in common. Next, it explores in greater detail the sources of variation in the degree of polarization inspired by senators' ratings, finding that these differ somewhat between Republican and Democratic senators but remain to an important degree under a senator's control. The chapter then shows how senators have adapted their roll-call behavior to the political leanings of their states, before drawing some conclusions.

Political Attitudes of China’s Post-1980s Generation

2017 ◽  
Vol 09 (04) ◽  
pp. 112-124
Author(s):  
Wei SHAN
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Issues ◽  
Public Opinion Surveys ◽  
The Government

The political attitudes of the post-1980s generation in China are important for understanding the country’s political future. Public opinion surveys reveal the post-1980s group as the least nationalistic and more sceptical of the government than the older generations. They show little interest in politics despite their confidence of participating in public issues. In the long term, Beijing will have to face a society led by the more critical and less obedient post-1980s.

Populist Pushback and the Shrinking of Democracy

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gordon Lafer
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Sick Leave ◽  
Occupational Safety ◽  
State Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Decline ◽  
Business Elites ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
The Many ◽  
Political Turmoil

This concluding chapter examines the political dynamics that pit growing populist sentiment against increasing corporate dominance, particularly at the state level. It explains what the corporate agenda is not, arguing that the same corporate lobbies that are leading the charge against public employee unions are also at the forefront of the campaign against issues such as minimum wage, entitlements to overtime or sick leave, and occupational safety. It discusses the pattern of business-backed legislation, highlighting the many contradictions in the corporate agenda. It also considers how the success of the corporate lobbies has contributed to economic decline and political turmoil. Finally, it assesses public opinion against the business elites' platform as well as corporate lobbies' efforts to protect their privilege by attempting to shrink the scope of democracy; for example, by supporting preemption statutes.

Sub-constituencies and Legislative Responsiveness: Evidence from the States

2018 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 473-487
Author(s):  
Jillian Jaeger
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
State Legislatures ◽  
State Level ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Behavior ◽  
Roll Call ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Congressional Behavior ◽  
Level Of Analysis

This article tests whether theories of congressional behavior that link legislative responsiveness to the preferences of sub-constituencies at the expense of party preferences apply to the state level. Using ten years of state-level data and roll-call data from nearly 4,000 individual votes on E-Verify legislation, I examine the competing influences of party and constituency preferences on legislative behavior. The results confirm that state legislatures/legislators are responsive to sub-constituencies, but find that responsiveness plays out in different ways depending on the level of analysis and the political party and constituents in question. These results have important implications for our understanding of legislative representation: because responsiveness to sub-constituencies can yield policy results that are antithetical to stated party goals, what appears to be collective irresponsibility from a party may actually be individual legislators striving to be responsive to those constituents that they anticipate will hold them accountable.

Bread and Circuses: Sports and Public Opinion in China

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-55
Author(s):  
Dan Chen ◽  
Andrew W. MacDonald
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
The Political ◽  
Survey Experiment ◽  
Sports Culture ◽  
Positive Effects ◽  
State Investment ◽  
Political Opinions ◽  
Heavy State

AbstractSports victory constitutes an important part of propaganda in authoritarian states. The heavy state investment in sports industries and sports culture in China illustrates the political importance of sports. However, few studies have systematically examined the exact impact of sports propaganda on public opinion. Using a survey experiment conducted in two Chinese cities, this article finds that broadcast highlighting national sports achievements has significant positive effects on general satisfaction and compliance with the local governments. These results expand on the small, but growing, literature on the effects of sports on political opinions and help detail the specific ways in which sports can affect political attitudes.

scholarly journals Ideology, Party, and Opinion: Explaining Individual Legislator ACA Implementation Votes in the States

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 371-394 ◽  
Author(s):  
Boris Shor
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Affordable Care Act ◽  
State Level ◽  
The State ◽  
State Legislators ◽  
Important Predictor ◽  
Roll Call ◽  
Issue Area ◽  
Show Evidence ◽  
The Affordable Care Act

Why do state legislators vote the way they do? Which influence is predominant: ideology, party, or public opinion? The implementation votes surrounding the Affordable Care Act (ACA) provides a unique setting to examine this question, as they make all three considerations highly salient. State roll call votes on ACA implementation were sometimes polarized and sometimes unexpectedly bipartisan. What accounts for the heterogeneity in individual legislator behavior on bills implementing the ACA at the state level? Using new data on legislator ideology and votes from 2011–2015, I show evidence that legislator ideology was by far the most important predictor of voting on implementation votes, far more so than legislator party or public opinion. Moreover, I show the influence of ideology is heterogeneous by issue area and bill.

Gubernatorial, Senatorial, and State-level Presidential Job Approval: The U.S. Officials Job Approval Ratings (JAR) Collection

2002 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 215-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thad Beyle ◽  
Richard G. Niemi ◽  
Lee Sigelman
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Rating Scales ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Presidential Approval ◽  
Approval Ratings ◽  
Job Approval ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Over Time

Job approval ratings for state governors, unlike those for the United States president, have been relatively inaccessible to political scientists. We introduce the U.S. Officials Job Approval Ratings (JAR) dataset, a new compilation of gubernatorial job approval ratings—along with senatorial and state-level presidential ratings—that draws together many of these ratings, beginning with the first published rating in 1947 and extending through 2000. We describe some of the characteristics of these data, especially the kinds of rating scales used and their impact on overall approval assessment. We then show that 1993–2000 presidential approval levels varied widely from state to state and are correlated with state-level support for Clinton in the 1996 presidential election. Finally, we note that while gubernatorial approval often declines over time, many governors remain popular over the length of their term.

scholarly journals Istraživačka tematika u hrvatskom tisku devedesetih godina

2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (16) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anči Leburić ◽  
Nada Nekić
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Social Aspects ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Development ◽  
The Public ◽  
Methodological Research ◽  
Public Opinion Surveys ◽  
Powerful Means ◽  
The One ◽  
Statistical Criteria

Authors discuss the articulation and structuration of public opinion as a complex social phenomenon in the last decade in Croatia. It is typical for democratic societies that when they become democratic there are more possibilities for expressing oneself and for one's afirmation. Consequently, we can investigate the society by researching its public opinion, and pointing out actual and potential social problems. The paper presents some of the results of methodological research, using applied content analysis of Croatian newspapers. The sample included all the articles in three daily journals and three weekly journals, from 1991. to 1998. which presented results of the empirical research. At the beginning of 90’s appeared the first journalistic research into public opinion. Surveys were the most represented method (91.61%) in all the analised articles. But, those surveys did not satisfy basic methodological and statistical criteria. The most treated theme was the political one and the one about media. On the other hand, economic and social aspects of living and labour were neglected. Finally, the authors plea for more efforts and more debates, for the aim of methodologicaly les improving the work of researchers. Newspapers as media are powerful means of informing and shaping the public opinion, because they act continually in an interactive way between the citizens and the authorities, creating the condition for the efficacy of the democratic development in Croatian society.

Mexico insecurity to weigh on AMLO approval

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
The Elderly ◽  
Vulnerable Groups ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Public ◽  
Approval Ratings ◽  
Public Opinion Surveys ◽  
Electoral Campaign ◽  
Presidential Popularity ◽  
The Government

Subject Presidential popularity. Significance Several public opinion surveys published this month show President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO)’s approval ratings to have fallen to their lowest levels since he took office in 2018. The polls suggest public disapproval has doubled or even tripled in some cases, particularly among Mexico’s most educated. While interviewees across the board acknowledge that the government has done much to ease poverty and support vulnerable groups such as the elderly, the polls also show respondents to be critical of its handling of issues that were at the centre of AMLO’s electoral campaign, such as corruption and security. Impacts AMLO’s relaxed attitude towards COVID-19 will play increasingly badly with the public and potentially with members of his own government. Declining support will not necessarily see AMLO ousted in the 2022 recall referendum -- he is still more trusted than other politicians. The falling popularity of Morena will not necessarily boost support for other parties, whose shares of voting intentions remain low.

The Independent Voter in 1952: A Study of Pittsfield, Massachusetts

1953 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 805-810 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip K. Hastings
Keyword(s):  
Political Behavior ◽  
Panel Study ◽  
The Political ◽  
Psychological Variables ◽  
Independent Voter ◽  
Public Opinion Surveys ◽  
Political Perceptions ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
And Behavior ◽  
Political Opinions

A challenging problem for both the student of political behavior and the practical politician is the self-labeled independent voter. Much of the research on what appears to be an increasingly larger segment of the American electorate has been either historically or sociologically oriented in the sense that it has focused on trend studies of the voting pattern of this group or has attempted to describe it in terms of its objective characteristics. Frequently, by inference at least, we are led to believe that the future political behavior of the independent can be anticipated if we have information of the above nature. The central purpose of this article is to present evidence favoring the hypothesis that the political behavior of the independent is more closely related to relevant psychological variables, such as his political perceptions, than to his past voting habits or his objective attributes.During the period from April through November of 1952, the author directed a detailed study of the political opinions and behavior of the residents of Pittsfield, Massachusetts, a city of approximately 53,000 people. The research methods employed in the project included a systematic historic analysis of the community, a series of four public opinion surveys, content analysis of some of the mass media of communication, and a panel study. The first poll took place late in the spring of 1952, the second in August, and the third and fourth were carried out just prior to and immediately following the November elections. The panel members, coming from a wide range of socio-economic backgrounds, were interviewed periodically throughout the course of the project.

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