Bloody Hope

Author(s):  
Lital Levy

This concluding chapter returns to Palestinian Hebrew writing with a poem by Salman Masalha and its intertextual invocation of a sonnet corona by the canonical early twentieth-century Hebrew poet Saul Tchernichowsky. Masalha's poem, provocatively titled “Ha-tikva” (“The Hope”), appropriates the name of Israel's national anthem while depicting the aftermath of a violent event, presumably a terror attack. The chapter unravels the layers of meaning ensconced within the poem, which is read as a political and aesthetic intervention, to arrive at the fundamental questions implied by its act of bearing witness: How do we define the political agency of witnessing? How can the outsider, the Other, bear witness to violence and disaster; how can she or he be heard? The book concludes with these broader questions about the epistemological limits of representation in the no-man's-land of language.

Human Affairs ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Skowroński

AbstractIn the present paper, the author looks at the political dimension of some trends in the visual arts within twentieth-century avant-garde groups (cubism, expressionism, fauvism, Dada, abstractionism, surrealism) through George Santayana’s idea of vital liberty. Santayana accused the avant-gardists of social and political escapism, and of becoming unintentionally involved in secondary issues. In his view, the emphasis they placed on the medium (or diverse media) and on treating it as an aim in itself, not, as it should be, as a transmitter through which a stimulating relationship with the environment can be had, was accompanied by a focus on fragments of life and on parts of existence, and, on the other hand, by a de facto rejection of ontology and cosmology as being crucial to understanding life and the place of human beings in the universe. The avant-gardists became involved in political life by responding excessively to the events of the time, instead of to the everlasting problems that are the human lot.


Author(s):  
Sina Kramer

Chapter 7 takes up the political unintelligibility of the 1992 Los Angeles (LA) Riot/Rebellion to understand—if not why the riots remain unintelligible to us as political contestation of political conditions—how this unintelligibility is produced and what significance it bears for us now. While riots (and race riots in particular) might be politically intelligible under certain conditions, the consolidation of anti-Black racism with riots throughout the latter twentieth century rendered “America’s first multiracial riot” particularly unintelligible as a political contestation of constitutive exclusion. I discuss the interrelation of gender, class, and sexuality in the Rodney King beating, the murder of Latasha Harlins, and the multiracial geography of the riots to articulate how the continued unintelligibility of the 1992 Los Angeles Riot/Rebellion, as well as contemporary riots, constitute political agency now.


Author(s):  
Fiachra Byrne

The influence of the ‘new psychology’ was less notable in early-twentieth-century Ireland than elsewhere. Nonetheless, the personal narratives of patients can be used to unravel the meaning of warfare and conflict. This chapter exploits a 1940 article published by the former medical superintendent of the Downpatrick District Asylum, Michael J. Nolan, of a ‘case of acute systematized hallucinosis’. His article provided a detailed journal account of an extended period of hallucination authored by a patient in the immediate aftermath of his disturbance during the War of Independence. Nolan’s article was also distinguishable by its focus on the actual substance of hallucinatory experience. The patient recounted a hallucinatory episode in which a battle took place in his sickbed between an army of cockroaches and an army of hairs. These phantasmagorical battalions clearly functioned as proxies for the participants of the ‘real’ conflict raging beyond the doors of the asylum. His hallucinations were also deeply coloured by his personal relations with, and violent impulses towards, two women, one Protestant and the other Catholic. This chapter critically analyses in an ethnographic frame this account of a hallucinatory episode and the psychiatric discourse which enfolded and structured it.


Author(s):  
Marcin Wodziński

This chapter addresses the ideological crisis among Polish Jewish integrationists at the start of the twentieth century. One of the signs of departure from the old ideological line was the rapidly changing attitude to hasidism. On the one hand, politically involved journalists such as Nachum Sokołów saw a new political threat in the hasidic movement and called for an alliance of all non-hasidic political forces against this group. On the other hand, from the mid-1890s, it became more and more common to idealize the hasidic past, to see the movement as the fascinating creation of folk mysticism, a depository of authentic Jewish folklore, and above all an excellent literary theme. These two attitudes, although they seemed contradictory, frequently coexisted. Usually, they were evident in the belief that the good and beautiful teachings of the fathers of hasidism were later distorted by the tsadikim and had led to the contemporary degenerate form of the political movement. The great interest in the origins of the movement was undoubtedly an attempt to escape contemporary reality and, at the same time, to escape the confrontational attitudes of the maskilim. This was obviously the result of changes in European writings that took place at the turn of the century in relation to the historiographic, philosophical, and literary portrayal of hasidism.


Author(s):  
Maysoon Mansour Obeidat

The purpose of the study is to analyze the political situation in Syria during the ALahed AL Fusaily by addressing of Al- Asma newspaper (1919-1920), in addition to Prince Faisal's role internally and externally during the Peace Conference in 1920, And the unity of the States of the Levant, to be the basis for the launch of a wider Arab unity, and the statement of conspiracy allies on the Arabs, especially France and its attempts to occupy Syria, and then efforts by the Syrian Arab state to prevent this, and also briefly discussed Prince Faisal talks and meetings and correspondence with the British government from Hand and To the governments and political and popular bodies in Syria, Lebanon and Palestine on the other hand, which revolves around ways to achieve the unity of the countries of the Levant, and then review the role of the Syrian press in the history of modern Arabs in general and Syrian history in particular, where appeared in the early twentieth century newspapers in Arabic, In the Arab nationalist thought, as a result of which was persecuted by the Ottoman Empire, and then the French mandate.  


ALQALAM ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 339
Author(s):  
IRFAN SALIM

In the historical development of Islamic knowledge, there was one interesting and unique tradition, i.e. the tradition of writing by giving annotation toward a previous work, and then this annotation was annotated again by another author. The work that became a main source or reference, which was called matn, then was annotated in the farm of syarh, and this syarh, then, was given explanation, which was called hasyiyah or faotnotes to put the sources or detail explanation on main of syarh that were not included in the main text. There was also hamisy in the annotation. The function of hamisy was similar to the hasyiyah. While the hamisy was put in the flanks or borders of the book, the hasyiyah (footnotes) was put on the bottom of pages in a smaller fant of letters. However, if the annotation was considered too long, the other ulama summarize it in the farm of mukhtashar. It seems that these writing systems had been conducted from the fall of Islamic civilization until the twentieth century. One factor that caused this condition was the intellectual ignorance because of various external factors in the political process and political structure in that period so that it influenced the intellectual of some Muslim thinkers at the moment. They viewed that knowledge or science was finished, and what thry could do was to understand what had been inherited by previous generations. kaywords: hasyiyah, syarh, ta'liq  


Itinerario ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Chiara Formichi

ABSTRACT This article investigates the narrative of Islamic nationalism in twentieth-century Indonesia, focussing on the experience of, and discourse surrounding, the self-identified Islamist Darul Islam movement and its leader, S. M. Kartosuwiryo (1905–1962). I offer a narrative of the independence struggle that counters the one advanced by Indonesia's Pancasila state, and allows us to capture subtleties that old discussions of separatism—with their assumption of fixed centres and peripheries—cannot illuminate. The article unfolds three historical threads connected to ideas of exile and displacement (physical and intellectual), and the reconstitution (successful or failed) that followed from those processes. Starting from the political circumstances under which Kartosuwiryo retreated to West Java after the Dutch reinvasion of 1947—in a form of physical exile and political displacement from the centre of politics to the periphery, from a position of political centrality to one of marginality and opposition—I then transition to an elaboration of Kartosuwiryo's ideology. His political strategy emerges as a form of voluntary intellectual displacement that bounced between local visions of authority, nationalist projects, and transregional imaginations in order to establish the political platform he envisioned for postcolonial Indonesia. Lastly, I argue that the elision of Islam from the reconstructed narrative of Kartosuwiryo's intentions, characterised as separatist and anti-nationalist, was a key aspect of Indonesia's nation-building process. It is my final contention that official Indonesian history's displacement of Kartosuwiryo's goals away from Islam and into the realm of separatism allowed for two reconstitutive processes, one pertaining to political Islam as a negative political force, and the other to Kartosuwiryo as a martyr for Islam.


2020 ◽  
pp. 17-36
Author(s):  
Glenda Sluga

This chapter explores points of ideological and institutional intersection in the Habsburg and Austrian past in the context of a new historiography of internationalism and studies of the League of Nations. Drawing from the expanding historiography of international ideas and institutions, on the one hand, and the uncollected evidence of people and politics of the Habsburg empire-cum-Austrian republic, on the other, its intention is to gauge the political, cultural, and economic significance of strands of the ‘new internationalism’ in the history of the Habsburg empire, and its afterlife. This is nowhere more obvious than in the persistent invocations, through the first half of the twentieth century, of the affinities between the post-First World War history of internationalism and Austria’s prewar experience with diversity and multi-nationality, and the persistent political and cultural ambitions attached to the specific idea of Weltösterreich.


Author(s):  
David Boucher

In this chapter the place of Hobbes in relation to the twentieth-century crisis of civilization is explored through the writings of Schmitt and Oakeshott. The nature of the crisis is explored, and it becomes evident that the pernicious elements that one perceives as the contributory factors in the decline are what the other claims are the strengths which are being undermined by the crisis. Both Oakeshott and Schmitt are critics of liberalism, but whereas Schmitt sees parliamentary democracy as a weakness emanating from liberalism, Oakeshott believes that parliamentary democracy predates modern liberalism, and is one of the strengths of contemporary politics with the potential to resist the decline. Individuality, pluralism, the secret ballot, and the rule of law are for Schmitt unnecessary constraints contributory to the depoliticization of the political, undermining the capacity of the sovereign to determine, or decide who are friends and enemies.


Modern Italy ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 311-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alfio Mastropaolo

This article examines a number of the major works on Italy conducted by political scientists from the United States in the second half of the twentieth century. Focusing on the research of Banfield, Almond and Verba, Tarrow and Putnam, it discusses the interpretations of Italy offered by these scholars and examines the contribution they have made to the political and intellectual debate surrounding the so-called ‘Italian case’. It concludes that the image presented of Italy by American researchers is generally critical and often simplified and stereotypical. Moreover, rather than highlighting the clichés frequently present in such accounts, Italian intellectuals have tended instead to use them in order to construct a wholly negative perspective of Italy and, in many instances, have distorted the original intentions of those American political scientists whose work is cited as evidence.


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