Boundaries and Movement

Author(s):  
Paul Frymer

This chapter examines the process of American territorial expansion and settlement to the Mississippi River between the American Revolution (and even further back into British times) up until 1840. During the course of this settlement, the thirteen seaside states increased to twenty-six. This was a time when the federal government first asserted authority over the public land. The chapter first considers how early statesmen asserted sovereignty over Native Americans before discussing the issue of boundary lines between the federal government and the Indians, how the government mobilized populations for compact settlement in strategically important areas of the frontier, and how the government assumed a monopoly over the public domain and used its authority to restrain population movements. It shows that federal land policies were used by national officials to avoid being stretched too thin while maintaining strength through compactness.

Author(s):  
Paul Frymer

This book examines the politics of the United States' westward expansion, showing how the government's regulation of population movements on the frontier, both settlement and removal, advanced national aspirations for empire and promoted the formation of a white settler nation. The book details how a government that struggled to exercise plenary power used federal land policies to assert authority over the direction of expansion by engineering the pace and patterns of settlement and to control the movement of populations. At times, the government mobilized populations for compact settlement in strategically important areas of the frontier; at other times, policies were designed to actively restrain settler populations in order to prevent violence, international conflict, and breakaway states. The book examines how these settlement patterns helped construct a dominant racial vision for America by incentivizing and directing the movement of white European settlers onto indigenous and diversely populated lands. The book pays close attention to the failures as well, from the lack of further expansion into Latin America to the defeat of the black colonization movement. It reveals the lasting and profound significance government settlement policies had for the nation, both for establishing America as dominantly white and for restricting broader aspirations for empire in lands that could not be so racially engineered.


2019 ◽  
pp. 109-135
Author(s):  
Rachel B. Herrmann

This chapter assesses how, after the Revolutionary War, Native Americans increased their authority by working with the U.S. government to circumvent hunger. The federal government failed to win power because it cost so much to distribute food aid, and the government was not yet powerful enough to refuse to do so. Postwar Indian country was a place of simultaneous resilience and desolation; although burned villages and scattered tribes provide plentiful evidence of disruption, there were numerous sites where Indian power waxed, at least until the mid-1790s. Approaches to Indian affairs, which included food policy, varied from state to state and evolved in three separate regions in the 1780s and 1790s: the southern states of Georgia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Virginia; the mid-Atlantic states of New York and Pennsylvania; and the old northwest region of the Ohio Valley. Food negotiations reveal similarities between federal and state approaches, but also demonstrate that it was the competition between the states and the federal government that by 1795 left Native Americans more willing to accommodate U.S. officials in a joint cooperative fight against hunger.


2021 ◽  
pp. 201-230
Author(s):  
Gregory Ablavsky

In 1796, the Southwest Territory became the first U.S. territory to become a state, joining the union as Tennessee. This new state promptly used its newfound status as a sovereign on “equal footing” with existing states to challenge the persistence of federal authority, especially over land and Indian affairs. A series of collisions followed: over ownership of the public domain; over William Blount’s odd scheme to use his supposed influence in Indian country to challenge federal power; and, above all, over the federal government’s attempt to survey the boundary of the Cherokee Nation, which threatened to dispossess white land claimants. Ultimately, the federal government preserved its formal authority even as it gave Tennessee what it wanted—a seemingly Pyrrhic victory that had important precedential consequences. In particular, when part of the Northwest Territory sought to become the new state of Ohio in 1802, the federal government sought to protect its authority. Most importantly, it decided for the first time to attach conditions to the new state’s admission that guaranteed federal land ownership, a practice that quickly became a constitutional norm; the new state also tacitly accepted continued federal authority over the state’s Native peoples. The result was that the federal government’s power to adjudicate property and jurisdictional conflicts survived despite state challenge; in the process, the federal government ironically became the most visible defender of the earlier, multipolar order against these states’ assaults.


1979 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-62
Author(s):  
Thomas R. Vale

The Bureau of Land Management, the land agency that administers much of the federal rangeland in the American West, has frequently been characterized as excessively responsive to the desires of ranchers, with resulting land deterioration and loss of resource values. Both the generally poor condition of the public domain, and the Bureau's attempt to maintain stocking levels while improving the range, support this characterization.Several policies and programmes over the last decade, however, suggest that the Bureau today is less strongly tied to the livestock industry, and certainly its lands are being increasingly coveted by groups other than grazers. This recent trend towards a more ‘multiple use’ agency has been strengthened by Congressional passage of the Federal Land Policy and Management Act in 1976. Whether or not diversification of land policies will continue into the future is, however, at present unclear.


Author(s):  
Érika de Andrade Silva Leal ◽  
Julia Fernandes ◽  
Luiz Henrique Lima Faria ◽  
Daniela Bertolini Depizzol ◽  
Bruna Bandeira Fassarella

Innovations are sources of competitive advantage for companies, regions, and countries. At the beginning of this century, the growth of the public sector's participation in financing innovation was observed in Brazil. With the regulation of the Brazilian Innovation Law in 2005, the Governments started to execute grants for innovation, meaning non-reimbursable financial support to companies in order to develop innovative activities, in partnership with the Federal Government. In 2013, the Government of Espírito Santo State, performed the grants in the state, through TECNOVA-ES Program. A total of R$13.5 million has been injected into 38 companies with the aim of developing innovative products and services to expand the competitiveness of these companies. This article evaluates the impacts of TECNOVA-ES with emphasis on the commercialization of products/services. The main results revealed 27 companies participating in the evaluation (71% of the population) have developed 65 products, of which 46 have reached the market, resulting in a commercialization rate of 70%. In terms of turnover, more than 55% of the companies participating in this study had no impact on their turnover due to TECNOVA-ES. However, the program allowed almost 15% of the companies participating in the evaluation to increase their revenues by more than 100%. Future studies are recommended to evaluate the impacts of TECNOVA-ES considering other variables such as cooperation relations, social and environmental impacts.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Chengxin Xu ◽  
Yixin Liu

Associating a life-threatening crisis with a geographic locality can stigmatize people from that area. However, such a strategy may reduce the public blame attributed to the government because the perceived foreign threat establishes a scapegoat, which transfers that blame. In the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, we investigated whether the “Chinese Virus” label placed on COVID-19 has elicited opposition to Chinese immigrants and reduced public blame attributed to the federal government. We used a survey experiment during the COVID-19 pandemic, and a list experiment to measure perceived threat. The descriptive analysis suggested a negative attitude toward Chinese immigrants overall, in which conservatives expressed stronger negative attitudes than did liberals and moderates. While labelling COVID-19 as the “Chinese Virus” did not make a difference overall, our exploratory results shows that it led to a significant increase in liberals’ perception that Chinese immigrants are a threat. However, the “Chinese Virus” label showed no effect overall in reducing the extent to which either liberals or conservatives’ attributed blame to the federal government.


2021 ◽  
pp. 84-87
Author(s):  
Samuel Cohn

This chapter focuses on big government and prosperity in the United States. A lot of Americans are fairly skeptical about the federal government. Some feel the public sector is full of bureaucrats who waste money, interfere with business decisions, and push personal agendas. Others are obsessed with party politics and despise everything from “the other party.” Both groups miss a fundamental point: big government is essential to the survival of a modern capitalist system. The government provides institutional support for the economy that capitalists cannot provide for themselves. Business will not provide defense, education, public health, physical infrastructure, and scientific research because these services are completely unprofitable.


1986 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 54
Author(s):  
GE. Hart

The marketing of domestic crude oil has been regulated by the Federal Government since production began in the early 1960's. In late 1984 the Government decided, after an extensive review, to partially deregulate immediately and to move to a substantially deregulated domestic oil market by 1988.After only four months of the new arrangements the Government announced a further review claiming that changes in international and domestic market conditions had led to calls from the industry to accelerate the move to deregulation. The Government would also have been influenced by the public perception that rising petrol prices were a result of government policies.Deregulation would directly affect the prices and consumption patterns for domestic crude oils. Indirect effects would include changes to domestic oil exploration activity, the competitiveness of product imports, regional product prices, the viability of some Australian refineries and coastal shipping activity.The diverse positions taken during the mid 1985 review reflected differing assessments of the consequences of deregulation and differing impacts on interested parties. Large fuel users such as primary producers and motorists favoured deregulation in the hope of lower prices. Oil producers were split, with the small producers generally opposing deregulation and the two large producers favouring it under most conditions. Refiners too were split, with the majority favouring deregulation. Refinery and shipping unions were opposed for fear of job losses.The Government decided to halt the move toward deregulation but to review the position again in 1987. In preparation for that review the industry should work hard at improving and communicating its understanding of the complex implications of this vital issue.


1971 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 405-424
Author(s):  
Thomas P. Murphy

The rapid technological change which the United States has experienced in the postwar era is now forcing a realignment between industry and the Federal Government. Traditional systems of interaction between the public and private sectors, including the various regulatory systems, are in need of reexamination in light of the new relationships. Different patterns of organization and governmental participation will need to be developed in several areas. Granting that the scope of projects such as going to the moon, building a supersonic transport or developing a world-wide communication satellite system requires governmental investment, on what basis can the government protect its investment and insure that the corporations are not profiting unduly at the expense of the individual taxpayer?


2016 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 2
Author(s):  
The Editors

buy this issueOn April 8, 2016, in what has already become a historic case on the climate, Magistrate Judge Thomas Coffin of the United States District Court of Oregon ruled against a motion to dismiss, in favor of the youthful plaintiffs in the Children's Trust lawsuit (Kelley Cascade Rose Juliana, et al. v. United States of America, et al.) and against the defendants, consisting of the federal government and the fossil-fuel industry. The twenty-one young people constituting the principal plaintiffs, ranging in age from 8 to 21, insist that the federal government has an obligation to protect the climate for the future on their behalf under the public trust doctrine, based on the fifth and ninth amendments to the U.S. Constitution. They claim, as stated in Coffin's ruling, that "government action and inaction…threatens catastrophic consequences".… The plaintiffs in the suit also include climatologist James Hansen, as a guardian for future generations.… The defendants' argument to dismiss was directed principally at what they contended were limits on the federal government's public trust responsibility. It thus turned on whether the United States was obligated simply to follow capitalist precepts with respect to the natural-physical environment, or whether the government had a public trust to maintain the environment for the population and for future generations, going beyond the rules of the market.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.


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