The Puzzling Resilience of Neoliberalism

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Aldo Madariaga
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
The Other ◽  
Public Philosophy ◽  
Individual Liberty ◽  
Political Opposition ◽  
Military Junta ◽  
Salvador Allende ◽  
Augusto Pinochet ◽  
Neoliberal Economics ◽  
Democratic Rule

This chapter begins with a militarized cell from the Chilean Communist Party that tried to kill General Augusto Pinochet, who was known for having participated in the bloody putsch against President Salvador Allende in 1973. It recounts how Pinochet explicitly broke the pact of succession in a military junta, successfully maneuvering to oust the other members of the junta and instituting a series of regulations that made him the dictatorship's strongman. It also mentions the united political opposition that defeated Pinochet in a referendum, forcing a return to democratic rule after seventeen years of dictatorship in October 1988. The chapter explores the association between a political system based on permanent repression and a public philosophy premised on the idea of individual liberty. It argues that the connection between neoliberal economics and less-than-liberal political regimes are a philosophical digression that is rooted in history.

‘There shall be no musical servitude’: Towards a Multitudinous Shostakovich in the West

2020 ◽  
Vol 145 (2) ◽  
pp. 495-505
Author(s):  
EIRINI DIAMANTOULI
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Musical Style ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
The One ◽  
The Cold War

Ideologically motivated attempts to elucidate Shostakovich’s political views and to determine whether and how they may be coded into his compositions have come to characterize the Western reception of the composer’s works since his death in 1975. Fuelled by the political oppositions of the cold war, Shostakovich’s posthumous reputation in the West has been largely shaped by two conflicting perspectives. These have positioned him on the one hand as a secret dissident, bent and broken under the unbearable strain of totalitarianism, made heroic through his veiled musical resistance to Communism; and on the other hand as a composer compromised by his capitulation to the regime – represented in an anachronistic musical style. Both perspectives surrender Shostakovich and his music to a crude oversimplification driven by vested political interests. Western listeners thus conditioned are primed to hear either the coded dissidence of a tragic victim of Communist brutality or the sinister submission of a ‘loyal son of the Communist Party’.1 For those prepared to accept Shostakovich as a ‘tragic victim’, the publication of his purported memoirs in 1979, ‘as related to and edited by’ the author Solomon Volkov, presents a tantalizing conclusion: bitterly yet discreetly scornful of the Stalinist regime, Shostakovich was indeed a secret dissident and this dissidence was made tangible in his music.

The Unique “Blooming and Contending” 1961–62

1969 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 54-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Merle Goldman
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
The Other ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Main Trend ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party ◽  
The One ◽  
The Cultural Revolution

From its inception until at least the Cultural Revolution, the Communist regime in China has had a twofold aim for its intellectuals: it has sought to indoctrinate them with the exclusive ideologies of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, and it has tried to utilize their skills to develop an industrialized and modernized society. The Chinese Communist Party has attempted to implement these two policies by an insistence on the strict orthodoxy of thinking individuals, on the one hand, and by the encouragement of intellectuals to work creatively at their jobs on the other. This contradictory approach has resulted in a policy toward the intellectuals that has been alternatively severe and relaxed. Though the main trend is usually in one direction or the other, there have always been counter-currents present which can be revived when necessary.

scholarly journals Los rostros de la solidaridad. Historia Oral y Vida Cotidiana. El discurso existencial de los exiliados chilenos en México y María Esther Zuno de Echeverría

Ánfora ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (39) ◽  
pp. 125-146
Author(s):  
Rosa María Valles Ruiz ◽  
Azul Kikey Castelli Olvera
Keyword(s):  
Salvador Allende ◽  
Augusto Pinochet

Objetivo: identificar las características del discurso relacionado con la solidaridad hacia los chilenos exiliados en México, tras el golpe de Estado al presidente Salvador Allende en 1973. También se estudia la relevancia de lapolítica de asilo del gobierno mexicano y la postura de solidaridad de María Esther Zuno, que facilitó la adaptación de los exiliados a México.Metodología: enfoque cualitativo con registro documental sobre los exilios de la década de los setenta y las características de la política de asilo del gobierno de México. Se utilizó la metodología de la historia oral, concretamente el testimonio y el relato de chilenos, para analizar el discurso y la reconstrucción de significados de quienes llegaron al país. El análisis de discurso se hizo con base en las categorías planteadas por Daniel Prieto Castillo (indicación, exhortación, explicación y valoración, vinculadas a la situación personal que vivieron los exiliados y su ingreso al país.Resultados: la inserción de los chilenos exiliados a la sociedad mexicana, tras el golpe de Estado de Augusto Pinochet en Chile, fue favorecida por la política de asilo del gobierno mexicano y el ejercicio del poder “de facto” de María Esther Zuno. La resignificación de los testimonios destacaron la explicación y la valoración de dos coyunturas históricas destacadas: una institucional (la política de asilo de México) y una personal (la política del poder de facto de la señora Zuno).Conclusiones: aunado a la política de asilo del gobierno mexicano hubo un discurso de solidaridad hacia los chilenos. La política de asilo del gobierno mexicano fundamentado en las Convenciones signatario, constituyó un elemento fundamental en el ingreso de los chilenos que se exiliaron en México.

scholarly journals Redes para la resistencia: Puntos de contacto entre Argentina y Chile a través de las revistas político-culturales

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (17) ◽  
Author(s):  
María Luz Gómez Groppa
Keyword(s):  
Salvador Allende ◽  
Derechos Humanos ◽  
Augusto Pinochet ◽  
America Latina

El presente trabajo indaga el rol de las revistas político-culturales Claves para la interpretación de los hechos y Alternativa Latinoamericana, publicadas en Mendoza (la primera entre 1970 y 1974, y la segunda entre 1985 y 1990), en la configuración de redes para la denuncia de las violaciones a los derechos humanos que llevaban adelante las dictaduras cívico-militares en los países del Cono Sur, como así también la difusión de ideas en torno a los procesos de transición y retorno a la democracia, y a las alternativas de futuro para América Latina. Focaliza las relaciones entre Argentina y Chile, y pone el acento en aquellos artículos que, siendo censurados y/o difundidos de forma clandestina o subterránea en su país, encontraron en estas revistas un espacio garante de la circulación de ideas sobre la situación político-social chilena a partir del Golpe de Estado a Salvador Allende y de las denuncias a la dictadura encabezada por Augusto Pinochet.

scholarly journals “Rakovsky Incident”: the Strategy of the Conduct by Soviet Plenipotentiary in Paris

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Close Friend ◽  
The Other ◽  
Critical Material ◽  
Soviet Government ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Press ◽  
Close Cooperation

The article investigates the activities of the Soviet plenipotentiary in Paris in the period of August-October 1927 in connection with the «Rakovsky Incident» - a scandal in the French press that arose after the signing of Ch. Rakovsky in early August 1927 of a statement by the left opposition. Four main areas of activity were identified: contacts with French politicians; cooperation with french press; a new proposal on the Franco-Soviet agreement on debts and credits; interaction with Moscow. The Soviet plenipotentiary in Paris, trying to use all his contacts and acquaintances, tried to get in touch with various French politicians and enlist their support. But the growing campaign of criticism regarding the “Rakovsky case” led to the fact that fewer and fewer politicians contacted him, or only gave empty assurances of support. Even Ch. Rakovsky’s close friend, Anatole de Monzie, behaved extremely indecisively. On the other hand, as recorded in a number of documents, Ch. Rakovsky himself sometimes behaved too self-confidently, ignoring advices. Regarding the press, with the exacerbation of the campaign, the number of newspapers that were ready to cooperate with the Soviet plenipotentiary in Paris decreased. Some of them paid money for it, some printed critical material at the direction of the owners of these newspapers, some followed the dominant trend of criticism of a diplomat. Only the newspaper of the Communist Party - "L'Humanité" - until the end remained loyal to the Soviet plenipotentiary. Ch. Rakovsky laid great hopes on his new proposal for debts and credits. But it was criticized by literally everyone: French politicians, the Paris press, and even their own Soviet government (in close cooperation with which these theses were developed). The leadership of the USSR in the person of I. Stalin spent a lot of effort to discredit Ch. Rakovsky and worsen his situation. This was especially vivid during the period of «Incident». By September 13, official Moscow was silent, and all requests for assistance and proposals for improving the situation were essentially ignored. All of the above was the reason for the very poor efficiency of Ch. Rakovsky’s actions and led to his further departure from France.

Left-wing spectrum of the Czechoslovak political opposition in search of new solutions. The late 1980s to early 1990s

2021 ◽  
pp. 154-178
Author(s):  
Emil Vorachek ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Future Development ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Opposition ◽  
Economic Changes ◽  
Transformational Model ◽  
History Of ◽  
Alternative Scenarios ◽  
The Revolution

The chapter is devoted to the history of the formation and activity of left-wing organizations in the Czechoslovak political opposition from the late 1980s to early 1990s. Those organizations were made up of diverse ideological currents from both inside and outside the ranks of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (СPCz). Attempts to develop alternative scenarios of social, political, and socio-economic changes in the country are examined. The left-wing had difficulties adaptating to the changing conditions provided by the leader of the revolution - the Civil Forum - towards the liberal transformational model. In general, during the period examined in the chapter, the forces of the left, for various reasons, failed to realize their vision for future development.

Walther Rauff und die chilenische Militärdiktatur unter Augusto Pinochet

2019 ◽  
Vol 67 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-262
Author(s):  
Marcus Klein
Keyword(s):  
Salvador Allende ◽  
Augusto Pinochet

Vorspann Walther Rauff, seit 1944 Standartenführer der SS, gehörte bis zu seinem Tod im Mai 1984 als Verantwortlicher für die Entwicklung und den Einsatz der sogenannten Gaswagen zu den meistgesuchten NS-Verbrechern. Er hatte sich der Strafverfolgung durch Flucht entzogen und lebte seit Ende der 1950er Jahre in Chile. Als die Streitkräfte dort im September 1973 den sozialistischen Präsidenten Salvador Allende stürzten und unter General Augusto Pinochet eine brutale Militärdiktatur errichteten, wurden rasch Stimmen laut, Rauff sei an verantwortlicher Stelle für den berüchtigten chilenischen Geheimdienst tätig. Belastbare Indizien dafür fanden sich nie, dennoch entwickelte dieses Gerücht eine erstaunliche Beharrungskraft. Marcus Klein spürt der Frage nach, wie es dazu kam, welche Akteure und Netzwerke dabei eine wichtige Rolle spielten und warum sich das Gerücht bis in unsere Tage halten konnte.

Counterterrorism in American Civil Courts: The Role of Letelier v. Republic of Chile

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Alan McPherson
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Washington Dc ◽  
George Washington ◽  
Salvador Allende ◽  
Legal Activism ◽  
Augusto Pinochet ◽  
Minor Injuries ◽  
Short Time ◽  
Civil Courts

The very rarity of these situations makes the legislation all the more important. Samuel Buffone, lawyer for Isabel Letelier On September 21, 1976, former Chilean Ambassador and Minister Orlando Letelier drove to his job in Washington, DC, in his Chevelle, accompanied by his coworkers, Ronni Moffitt and Michael Moffitt. As the Chevelle veered off Massachusetts Avenue into Sheridan Circle, the bottom of the car exploded upward, blowing off Letelier's legs and killing him within minutes. A short time after that, at George Washington Hospital, Ronni Moffitt died from a severed carotid artery. Michael Moffitt, sitting in the back, survived with minor injuries. Most observers of the brutal dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet, which had overthrown Marxist President Salvador Allende in 1973 and jailed and then exiled Letelier, Allende's defense minister, pinned the crime on the Chilean despot, and the Departments of Justice and State came to the same conclusion within a few years. The assassination remains to this day the only instance of state-sponsored terrorism in Washington. In the 1970s and 1980s, it spawned several criminal lawsuits in the United States and Chile, the most important of which was not settled until 1995, and remnants of which continue to this day. In Chile, the case also inspired a wave of legal activism against impunity for human rights violations.

scholarly journals Naxalbari and Jhapa Revolt: Historical Study

2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-134
Author(s):  
Rajkumar Pokhrel
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Political System ◽  
West Bengal ◽  
The Other ◽  
Historical Study ◽  
Political Condition ◽  
Armed Struggle ◽  
Communist Movement ◽  
Readiness To Adopt ◽  
The Impact

Naxalbari is a small village in West Bengal, India, where a section of the Communist Party of India (CPM) led by Kanu Sanyal,and Jangal Santhal initiated a violent uprising in 1967. On 18 May 1967, the Siliguri Kishan Sabha, of which Jangal was the president, declared their support for the movement initiated by Kanu Sanyal and readiness to adopt armed struggle to redistribute land to the landless. But before it, as a consequence of the debate in international communist movement, Indian communist Party split and a faction choose the path of Mao Thought to go ahead. The party was led by Charu Majumdar, Kanu Sanyal and Jangal Santhal revolted against the existing political system. The uprising was started from Naxalbari village by using the policy of “annihilation of class enemy”. It is known as Naxalbari Revolt. But the neither could gain achievement nor run for long last. Top leader of the party, Charu Majumdar, was arrested and killed. After his murder, the party split into more than one dozen factions. On the other side, in Nepal, the neighboring district Jhapa came into influence of Naxalbari Revolt and the youth communists of Jhapa started the revolt using the same path of Naxalbari. Jhapa Revolt also runs for only 30 months. Both the movements became failure to achieve the aim. But due to the differences of ruling structure, existing political system, and geo political condition between two countries, the revolt of India split into several divisions and the movement of Nepal, even being unsuccessful to achieve the aim achieved to unify the divided movement. The impact of Naxalbari movement in India seems remain still now in some parts of India but in Nepal, Jhapa revolt has become a history. Whatsoever, both revolts have left impact in both countries till now.

Military Dictatorship and Political Opposition in Chile, 1973-1986

1986 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Loveman
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Small Business ◽  
White Collar ◽  
Presidential Candidate ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Political Opposition ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Salvador Allende ◽  
Electoral Laws ◽  
The Government

In 1970, Dr. Salvador Allende, presidential candidate of the Unidad Popular coalition, won a plurality — but not a majority — of votes from the Chilean electorate. Consequently, and in accord with Chilean electoral laws and constitution, the Chilean Congress was called upon to vote for the president, and it selected Dr. Allende as the country's new president. Soon thereafter a wave of opposition to his administration developed among business and middle-class sectors: Rightist political movements and parties, entrepreneurial associations, some white-collar unions, as well as groups representing both commercial interests and those of small business. Eventually this opposition determined that “the government of Allende was incompatible with the survival of freedom and private enterprise in Chile, (and) that the only way to avoid their extinction was to overthrow the government” (Cauce, 1984).

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