Military Dictatorship and Political Opposition in Chile, 1973-1986

1986 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Loveman

In 1970, Dr. Salvador Allende, presidential candidate of the Unidad Popular coalition, won a plurality — but not a majority — of votes from the Chilean electorate. Consequently, and in accord with Chilean electoral laws and constitution, the Chilean Congress was called upon to vote for the president, and it selected Dr. Allende as the country's new president. Soon thereafter a wave of opposition to his administration developed among business and middle-class sectors: Rightist political movements and parties, entrepreneurial associations, some white-collar unions, as well as groups representing both commercial interests and those of small business. Eventually this opposition determined that “the government of Allende was incompatible with the survival of freedom and private enterprise in Chile, (and) that the only way to avoid their extinction was to overthrow the government” (Cauce, 1984).

Author(s):  
Josefina Vidal M ◽  
Macarena García O ◽  
Pedro Álvarez C

Abstract In the second half of the 1960s, prêt-à-porter (ready-to-wear) fashion was established in Chile. As an alternative to haute couture (high fashion), prêt-à-porter brought an eagerness for modernisation that was reflected in the setting up of a network of women-led boutiques, which developed strongly between 1967 and 1973. This article first examines the precedents that allowed for the creation of a ‘local fashion system’ that promoted collective work around trades such as knitting and dressmaking. It also analyses the arrangement of a circuit of boutiques in the comuna of Providencia, a strategic sector of Santiago de Chile (the capital city) that fostered the dynamics of social gathering. Later, the article describes the profile of the designer-entrepreneurs whose work was attuned to a female consumer segment that aimed to access a new formula of the modernising bourgeoisie. It also reassesses the rise of a movement called Moda Autóctona, which distanced itself from European fashion and was supported by the government during the socialist regime of Salvador Allende. Lastly, it tackles the eventual dismantling of this network of women’s fashion stores as a result of the installation of a military dictatorship in Chile.


1999 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 320-334
Author(s):  
Thomas J. Morrissey

Kenney, Peter James (1779–1841), was born in Dublin, probably at 28 Drogheda Street, on 7 July, 1779. His father, Peter, and his mother, formerly Ellen Molloy, ran a small business. Apart from Peter, the other known children were Anne Mary, who joined the convent of the Sisters of St. Clare, and an older brother, or half-brother, Michael, who set up an apothecary’s shop in Waterford.Peter was born, therefore, in the decade which saw the American Revolution, the Suppression of the Jesuits and, in Ireland, the birth of Daniel O’Connell—destined to become ‘The Liberator’. The need to keep Ireland quiet during the American conflict, led to concessions to the Catholic population. The first of these was in 1778. Others followed when the French Revolution raised possibilities of unrest. In 1792 the establishment of Catholic colleges was allowed, and entry to the legal profession. These led to the founding of Carlow College and to Daniel O’Connell’s emergence as a lawyer. The following year the Irish parliament was obliged by the government to extend the parliamentary franchise to Catholics. Increased freedom, however, and the government’s connivance at the non-application of the penal laws, led to increased resentment against the laws themselves and, among middle-class Catholics, to a relishing of Edmund Burke’s celebrated reminder to the House of Commons in 1780, that ‘connivance is the relaxation of slavery, not the definition of liberty’.


1999 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 322-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher P. Hosgood

It is now over twenty years since Geoffrey Crossick first urged historians to investigate the English lower middle class. On that occasion he suggested that small business interests and white-collar employees be designated the two wings of a residual lower middle class. Historians speculated that the members of this class were bound together by their marginality to the social, cultural, and economic world of the middle class and by their pathetic attempts to ape the gentility of their superiors. Such an analysis confirmed the unheroic nature of the lower-middle-classmentalitéand explains Crossick's conclusion that this group “claimed no vital social role.” Crossick's more recent work, in collaboration with Heinz-Gerhard Haupt, offers a reevaluation of this earlier position and concludes that white-collar and small business interests should not be considered to occupy the same social station. Crossick and Haupt's work is significant because both authors make it clear that they now credit the petite bourgeoisie of small business families in Europe with a greater spirit of independence than they had earlier acknowledged. They argue convincingly that the petite bourgeoisie created their own social and cultural world, centered on the interrelationship between enterprise and family life, which enabled them to react more purposefully to outside social forces and agencies.By hiving off these small business interests from the old lower middle class, we are left with a rump of white-collar workers who collectively formed a lower middle class that shared many common experiences and hence is attractive to historians as a potentially more cohesive social body.


Author(s):  
Nor Hadi ◽  
Udin Udin

This article is intended to empirically test the effectiveness of the Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) dimension of assistance to Small Business Entrepreneurs (SMEs) under companies’ guidance of Semen Indonesia in Central and East Java. Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) implementation for Small Business Entrepreneurs (SMEs), besides as a social contract implementation, is also an effort to increase legitimacy. This study is essential to obtain effective and relevant CSR dimensions recommended for the SME empowering program. The study was conducted at SMEs domiciled around the mining area and the cement factory. Out of 250 SMEs, 92 SMEs were involved in this study. The research data was primary, including respondents’ opinions, where the data were taken using survey and interview procedures. Data analysis using statistics was a factorial analysis. The results showed that of the eight programs included in CSR in the field of assistance for empowering SMEs, two were effective for empowering SMEs: (1) low-cost revolving funds and (2) production equipment assistance for SMEs. Meanwhile, six other CSR programs showed ineffectiveness: (1) mentoring, (2) marketing, (3) ease of procedure and relief of loan terms, (4) education and training, (5) accessibility of obtaining loans, and (6) the involvement of parties in the implementation of CSR. It indicated that the six CSR programs were not effective in helping to build image and legitimacy. The results of the research make an important contribution to the government and corporations and show that the construction of CSR programs must give attention to the real conditions and needs of SMEs in order to achieve effectiveness in solving problems by SMEs. Especially for the government, regulations are needed that can systemically encourage companies to implement CSR. This research still has limitations, therefore further research should be developed, especially in the area of empirical testing related to the contextual dimensions of CSR that are relevant to assisted stakeholders. Development-based research should be considered.


2019 ◽  
pp. 43-54
Author(s):  
Hazem Hanbal ◽  
◽  
Saad Metawa ◽  

Globally, Small and Medium Size Enterprises (SMEs) are considered the main contributors to economic activities. In the European Union, SMEs account for around 67 percent of the overall employment by the private sector and were considered the cushion that protected the economy during the recent financial crisis in 2008 [2]. While in the USA, and according to the Small Business Administration and Small Business House, SMEs are responsible for more than half of the private sector non-farm GDP of the nation. In the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, a recent study by the World Bank revealed that SMEs employ around 40 percent of the workforce in the formal sector (non-agriculture). This number would increase if the informal sector were included. Generally, SMEs are seen as the potential for economic development and a significant source for jobs creation, especially when looking into developing countries. In Egypt, with the declining role of the government being the primary employer until the nineties of last century, and the private sector taking over this role, and the fact that SMEs are the significant portion of the private sector, it is significantly essential to support SMEs for the creation of new jobs, and overall social stability. Constrains facing SMEs are many and are usually different from those facing large businesses. It is also observed that rates of business failure within SMEs are generally higher than with large corporates. This paper aims to seek to identify the reasons behind the failure of SMEs, with a look into the Egyptian and Middle East situations.


1988 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 45-48
Author(s):  
Pauline H. Baker

An underlying assumption that ocurs in both conventional wisdom and in many academic analyses of political behavior is the notion that a critical linkage exists between political change and economic performance. The assumption is that economic growth is either a precondition or a correlate of democracy and political stability. Little empirical research has been done to test the validity of this widely held assumption as it applies to multicultural societies. Moreover, in the African environment, the assumption seems to operate only in selected cases or in ways that defy categorization. Jerry Rawlings, for example, said he led his first coup d’etat in Ghana because the government was going to devalue the currency; he led his second coup, in part, because the next government was going to devalue; and, during his own tenure in office, he has presided over a 1000 percent devaluation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-107
Author(s):  
Nida Alfi Nur Ilmi

ABSTRACT This paper tries to explain and describe the position of UMKM in the Kepuh, Boyolangu Village, Banyuwangi, as an effort to reduce the unemployment rate, especially in the lower middle class and to see how the strategy of the UMKM founders in maintaining their position in all conditions. So it is hoped that readers can find out and analyze UMKM within the scope of the region as an effort to minimize unemployment and increase living standards. This paper use qualitative research method with a qualitative descriptive approach. Establishing UMKM is certainly not an easy thing, because the large number of workers does not guarantee UMKM, who is determined by the appropriate expertise and strategy. In addition, the Government has not been maximally perfect in overcoming problems and financial assistance for community UMKM which in reality is able to absorb many new workers, and has an impact on reducing the unemployment rate.


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fahmi Nurdiansyah

The purpose of this research is to know the implementation in the political marketing of Gerindra Party and some factors encouraging the party to gain a wide range of constituent voters in the legislative elections 2014. The aforementioned evidence reveals that Gerindra Party approached middle class down society and youth, on determining intended voters and this party also focusing on small society (farmer, fisherman, labour, teacher and small trader). In terms of positioning, Gerindra Party put themselves in outside of the government and acknowledge them as the party for small society. In Indonesian political constellation, it can be seen that political party has a high correlation with the power of public figure to increase popularity and electability. Gerindra Party is still introduced Prabowo Subianto as a public figure who can be used to gain a number of voters for the party.


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (8) ◽  
pp. 51-60
Author(s):  
S. V. Lesovykh

The article considers main trends in the small business of the Altay Territory according to results of 2011 and 2016 full-scale observations that follow the results of activities of small and medium-sized enterprises in 2010 and 2015.In the introduction, the author argues the relevance of the economic and statistical analysis of small business, which is essential for its support, as it is one of the government’s priority areas of activity at all levels when it comes to solving problems of socio-economic development. There are characteristics of information support of the analysis related to the implementation of the Federal Law No. 209-FZ from July 24, 2007 «On small and medium business development in the Russian Federation» and the Order of the Government of the Russian Federation No. 201-r from February 14, 2009.The body of the article successively focuses on some areas of analysis - from the general characteristics of small businesses to the factual analysis of individual aspects of activities of the economic entities under review (headcount, wages and revenues, fixed assets and the scope of investment activities). The features of small enterprises development by economic activity are analyzed separately. An integrated indicator of structural differences is used to assess the significance of structural changes in small businesses. A cluster analysis of the Altay Territory municipalities was carried out and they were rated according to the small business development level. In addition, the author assessed the contribution of small business of the Altay Territory to the development of small business in the Siberian Federal District and the Russian Federation.The final section of the article draws conclusions from the authors’ own specific analysis that points to both positive and negative trends in the development of small business in the Altay Territory.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 309-313 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anzhela Litvinova ◽  
Denis Paleev

This article analyzes the situation of innovative approaches to building business processes and interaction between universities, the government,  and representatives of the business environment. A methodology is proposed by the authors for calculating the feasibility of government support for small innovative enterprises (SIEs) as independent small business entities organized at higher educational institutions of the Russian Federation, the activities of which are aimed at research, development, implementation, and commercialization.The importance and role of small innovative entrepreneurship in the economy of the country and large cities is becoming the main world trend. Russia is trying to match its innovation strategy in small business, but the success is, unfortunately, still negligible. On the part of the government, millions of rubles are allocated to support small innovative entrepreneurship, as well as the construction of technology parks, the creation of business incubators, technological laboratories, and platforms being organized at universities in order to ensure the implementation of innovative projects. In accordance with the Federal Law of the Russian Federation No. 217-FL of August 2, 2009, universities were able to register small innovative enterprises on their territory as independent small businesses in the sphere of innovative development, whose activities are focused mainly on the commercialization of intellectual property objects and their active promotion in the market.Nevertheless, the implementation of new technologies and know-how is associated with greater risks of SIEs and needs a methodical approach to assess the appropriateness of providing government support to such enterprises. We are going to consider and calculate the indicator of the feasibility of government support for a small innovative enterprise in the amount of 50 million rubles for a period of five years for its development and will prove the increase in the efficiency of the enterprise and the possibilities for its development through the government support mechanisms for innovations.


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