The Gold Coast

2020 ◽  
pp. 109-143
Author(s):  
Robert L. Tignor
Keyword(s):  
Gold Coast ◽  
Political Leader ◽  
People's Party ◽  
The Public ◽  
Nationalist Party ◽  
Public Arena ◽  
Kwame Nkrumah ◽  
Teaching Position ◽  
British Colonial ◽  
The Government

This chapter details how, at the end of 1952, shortly after returning from a tour of Asia where his intellectual breakthrough led to the article on unlimited supplies of labor, W. Arthur Lewis received an invitation to advise the government of the Gold Coast on industrialization. The invitation came not from British colonial offices in the Gold Coast, but the rising nationalist party, the Convention People's Party (CPP), led by its charismatic political leader, Kwame Nkrumah. The vitality of the Gold Coast nationalists impressed Lewis, and the opportunity to advise Africans, rather than British officials, was new and exciting. Although he spent only several months of 1952 in the Gold Coast, preparing the report, and immediately returned to his teaching position at Manchester, his stay linked him to the Gold Coast and its leaders. From then onwards, British officials and Gold Coast nationalists alike regarded him as the top expert on their economy and turned to him to evaluate economic projects. Ultimately, the decision to advise the Gold Coast on its industrial prospects led Lewis away from purely academic endeavors and placed him squarely in the public arena.

“We Shall Be Outspoken”: Student Political Activism in Post-Independence Ghana, c.1957–1966

2018 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-188
Author(s):  
Emmanuel Asiedu-Acquah
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Student Activism ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
University Student ◽  
Student Movement ◽  
Political Order ◽  
The Other ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Kwame Nkrumah ◽  
The Government

This paper looks at student political activism in Ghana in the late 1950s and 1960s. Using Ghanaian and British archives, it examines how students of Ghana’s universities politically engaged with the government of Kwame Nkrumah and his ruling Convention People’s Party (CPP). Student activism manifested most in the conflict between the Nkrumah government, on one hand, and university authorities and students, on the other hand, over the purpose of higher education, university autonomy, and nationalism. The conflict coalesced around the idea of educated youth as model citizens. Contrary to the denial in existing literature, the paper argues that a nascent student movement and tradition of student political activism had emerged since the late 1950s. University student activism established itself as a fulcrum of the country’s evolving postcolonial political order and a bulwark against governmental authoritarianism. In the larger context of the global 1960s, Ghanaian student activism belonged to the wave of youth protests against governments that favored stability and opposed all dissent.

scholarly journals HONG KONG SAR IMMIGRATION IN THE DYNAMICS OF POLITICS, POLICY AND INSTITUTION

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 69-81
Author(s):  
Andry Indrady
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Transition Period ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
Power Domination ◽  
The Public ◽  
Hong Kong Sar ◽  
British Colonial ◽  
The Government ◽  
Colonial Government ◽  
And Control

The Bureaucratic System of the Immigration Department of Hong Kong SAR is one of the legacies from British Colonial Government seen from legal and also immigration bureaucratic perspectives reflect the executive power domination over immigration policymaking. This is understandable since Hong Kong SAR adopts “Administrative State Model” which means Immigration Officer as a bureaucrat holds significant roles at both stages of policymaking and also its implementation. This research looks at transition period of the Immigration Department and its policies since the period of handover of Hong Kong SAR from the British Government to the Government of China especially throughout the concern from the public including academics about the future of immigration policies made by the Department that arguably from colonial to current being used as political and control tools to safeguard the interest of the Ruler. This situation ultimately will question the existence of Hong Kong SAR as one of the International Hub in the Era of Millennium.  

Teacher, Preacher, Soldier, Martyr

2013 ◽  
Vol 53 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 315-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Sanagan
Keyword(s):  
Political Identity ◽  
Colonial Power ◽  
British Mandate ◽  
Life And Death ◽  
The Public ◽  
Current State ◽  
Multiple Contexts ◽  
British Colonial ◽  
The Government ◽  
State Of Israel

When Shaykh ʿIzz al-Dīn al-Qassām died in a gunfight with the Palestine Police Force in November 1935, the Government of the British Mandate for Palestine was ill prepared for the public outpouring of popular support and inspiration the imām from Haifa’s death would give to Arab Palestinian political aspirations. Al-Qassām soon became a powerful symbol in the nationalist fight against the British colonial power and subsequently the State of Israel. Al-Qassām remains a potent figure in Arab nationalist, Palestinian nationalist, and modern “Islamist” circles. The purpose of this paper is thus twofold: first, to provide an overview of the current state of the historiography on al-Qassām; and second, to add to that historiography with a recontextualized narrative of al-Qassām’s life and death. This latter part of the paper aims to fill some of the gaps with additional sources and place the findings alongside contemporary historical scholarship on political identity and nationalist movements in Palestine and the wider Mashriq. This article contends that the claims made on al-Qassām by contemporary Palestinian, “Islamic” nationalists have silenced the multiple contexts available if one considers the entirety of al-Qassām’s life. Viewed in this light, it is possible that al-Qassām never considered himself a “Palestinian” at all. 


HDZ leader could supplant Croatia's non-party premier

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Public Debt ◽  
Social Situation ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Reform Agenda ◽  
The Public ◽  
Nationalist Party ◽  
Ethnic Tensions ◽  
The Government ◽  
Uncertain Outcomes

Significance The package could be the government's swan song. One coalition party, the centre-right Bridge (Croatian: Most) of Independent Lists, strongly supported a reform agenda from the beginning, but Croatia's main nationalist party, the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), did not. This, in addition to key appointments, has become a major point of dispute between them, blocking decision-making. HDZ leader Tomislav Karamarko has been frustrated in his ambition to control the government and especially the security apparatus. Impacts Political instability could cause further political and ethnic tensions, with uncertain outcomes. Persistent deadlock will worsen Croatia's parlous economic and social situation. Instability could frustrate consolidating Croatia's exit from its six-year recession in 2015 and reducing the public debt from 87% of GDP.

The Working Committee of the United Gold Coast Convention

1961 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-297 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dennis Austin
Keyword(s):  
Gold Coast ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
Colonial Administration ◽  
Valuable Source ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Kwame Nkrumah ◽  
New Republic ◽  
Source Of Information

When I was in Ghana last year, Dr Danquah very kindly allowed me to read and make notes on an early Minute Book belonging to the Working Committee of the United Gold Coast Convention. I thought it was very interesting, for it covered the years 1947–51 when discontent with colonial rule came to a head, and produced first the U.G.C.C.—as it is easier to call it—and then its radical offspring, the Convention People's Party. The Minute Book was carefully, clearly written; it runs parallel to the early part of Nkrumah's Autobiography (ch. 5 to 12)—itself a valuable source of information—and it confirms, adds to and occasionally corrects the account given by Nkrumah of these interesting years when the colonial administration was beginning to retreat and the nationalists to advance. Moreover, in its beginning lay its end: the two chief protagonists in 1947 were Dr J. B. Danquah and Dr Kwame Nkrumah; and, thirteen years later, they were still opposed, as rival candidates for the presidency of the new republic.

Nkrumahism: past and future of an ideology

1966 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 535-546 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald G. MacRae
Keyword(s):  
West Indies ◽  
Gold Coast ◽  
African Unity ◽  
The West ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Kwame Nkrumah ◽  
Political Independence ◽  
Pan Africanism ◽  
Military Revolution ◽  
The Military

On the morning of 12 February 1951 Kwame Nkrumah was freed from James Fort Prison in Accra. On the 14th he was invited by the Governor of the Gold Coast to form a government. He and his party, the Convention People's Party (CPP), remained in office through the transition to political independence on 6 March 1957, when the Gold Coast changed its name to Ghana, until the military revolution of 24 February 1966. This event formed the fifth of a series of army coups in Negro Africa which had begun on 25 November 1965 in the Congo, and it is probably the most important. Not only had Nkrumah held power for fifteen years, he was, for all the small size of his country, almost certainly the most influential politician south of the Sahara, and for what it was worth the only serious non-Muslim ideologist of the whole continent. Ghana had led the movement to African independence. So far as there was a common political creed its items and aspirations were Nkrumah's and the aspirations, however ineffective, to African unity, were based on his Pan-Africanism and not on the potentially alternative concept of négritude which had spread from the West Indies into French Africa's attitudes and politics.

William Ofori Atta, Nnambi Azikiwe, J.B. Danquah and the “Grilling” of W.E.F. Ward of Achimota in 1935

1994 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 171-189 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ray Jenkins†
Keyword(s):  
Turning Point ◽  
Past History ◽  
Progress Report ◽  
Gold Coast ◽  
Colonial State ◽  
Kwame Nkrumah ◽  
Study And Teaching ◽  
History Of ◽  
British Colonial ◽  
The Relationship

In December 1932 J. B. Danquah identified five stages or “ages” in the coastal political history, or the “national history,” of the Gold Coast. This paper may be described as a temporary departure from a preoccupation with “Ages” two, three, and four (1867-1930) and a tentative entry into the study of the fifth: Danquah's post-1930 “Age of Enlightenment.” What follows therefore is more of a shift in time than of space and focus—the area and arena of coastal politics in the colonial Gold Coast. If a new age did dawn in the 1930s, then for an influential core of today's Ghanaianist historians, it would seem that the turning point occurred in 1935. In that year the radical response of I.T.A. Wallace-Johnson and Nnambi Azikiwe (“Zik”) to the Ethiopian crisis galvanized those forces that presaged the later emergence of Kwame Nkrumah, one of history's winners. In sharp contrast, J.B. Danquah, one of history's losers, represented the continuity of past conservatism during—and after—the 1930s.A bold attempt to confirm or contradict the 1935 “discontinuity thesis” is beyond the scope of this progress report on an act of trespass into the 1930s. The modest outcome of the latter is a snapshot of Accra-based politics. It tries to bring into focus several elements: the texture, style, and ‘reach’ of urban-based politics and politicians; the place of the study and teaching of history in anticolonial nationalist thought; and the extent to which rhetoric served as a mask for the pursuit of group or personal grievance and ambition. In short, this paper re-examines an old theme—the relationship between past history and present politics, albeit within the confines of a British colonial state.

Rogue incumbents, donor assistance and Sierra Leone's second post-conflict elections of 2007

2008 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 603-635 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jimmy D. Kandeh
Keyword(s):  
Military Coup ◽  
Public Confidence ◽  
People's Party ◽  
The Public ◽  
Goods And Services ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Run Off ◽  
The Government ◽  
People's Congress

ABSTRACTThe removal of the governing Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP) from power through the ballot box in 2007 represents a watershed moment in the growth and maturation of Sierra Leone's teething electoral democracy. This is because the peaceful alternation of political parties in power tends to strengthen democracy and nurture public confidence in elections as mechanisms of political change. In contrast to what happened in 1967, when the SLPP derailed the country's first post-independence democratic experiment by orchestrating a military coup after losing power in parliamentary elections, the SLPP in 2007 found itself isolated both internally and externally, and could rely neither on the support of a restructured army and police nor on external patrons like the United Kingdom which, among other things, suspended budgetary support for the government pending the satisfactory conclusion of the elections. The emergence of the People's Movement for Democratic Change (PMDC), whose membership consists largely of disaffected former SLPP members and supporters, and the electoral alliance forged between the PMDC and the All People's Congress (APC) in the presidential run-off, doomed any chance the SLPP may have had of holding on to power. The elections were referenda on the SLPP, which lost both the presidency and the legislature because its rogue leadership squandered the goodwill of the public, misappropriated donor funds with impunity, and failed to deliver basic social goods and services.

scholarly journals Rakouské parlamentní volby 2017: Začátek éry Sebastiana Kurze

2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 86-123
Author(s):  
Miroslav Šepták
Keyword(s):  
Economic Conditions ◽  
National Council ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
People's Party ◽  
The Public ◽  
Reform Program ◽  
Electoral Campaign ◽  
Electoral Behaviour ◽  
The Government

The article deals with the early parliamentary elections in Austria, which resulted from conflicts inside the government. The situation provides a negative example of a long rule of grand coalition. Most Austrians had lost the trust in abilities of the cabinet made up by social democrats (SPÖ) and Austrian People's Party (ÖVP) to deal with problems of the day. The public demanded an end to controversies and change of political style. In the stalemate situation it was ÖVP which initiated irregular elections into National Council. It succeeded in connecting the dynamic and perspective personality of the leader Sebastian Kurz with the image of a new and open movement. During the campaign, it emphasized themes which the Austrian public considered important (migration and asylum policy, better security, reduction of taxes) in combination with professional political marketing. After the elections, negotiations revealed programmatic overlap between ÖVP and Freedom Party of Austria, which placed third, in a number of important areas. The new government worked out an ambitious reform program, for which it secured enough majority support in the National Council; also the favourable economic conditions helped. The article provides analysis of electoral programs and the respective stages of the electoral campaign, making use of extensive electoral materials, including unarchived ones. Besides filling a major descriptive-analytic gap in the Czech scholarly reflection of Austrian politics, the article probes into actual trends of Austrian electoral marketing and electoral behaviour.

Chiefs and the Law in Ghana

1969 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 57-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. K. Mensah-Brown
Keyword(s):  
National Development ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Kwame Nkrumah ◽  
Full Power ◽  
The Government ◽  
New Phase ◽  
Ruling Party

On 24th February, 1966, with the overthrow of Kwame Nkrumah and his régime by the Armed Forces with the cooperation of the Police Service of Ghana, Ghana entered a new phase in her national development. By a Proclamation of 22nd February, 1966, the new military régime (the National Liberation Council [N.L.C.]) suspended the Constitution and its subsequent amendments, dissolved the National Assembly and banned the Convention People's Party, i.e., the former ruling party. It also confirmed the tenure of judicial and other public offices; and, until changes were made, the courts and existing laws were to continue in existence.2 The N.L.C. was declared to be the government of Ghana, pending the promulgation of a new Constitution and the formation of a new government under such Constitution,3 with full power to legislate by Decree.4

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