SEKULERISASI POLITIK DAN ULAMA DI INDONESIA DALAM PRESFEKTIF AHMAD SYAFII MAARIF

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-244
Author(s):  
Putri Wulansari

Maaruf Amin As we know, it is the Chairman of the MUI (Indonesian Ulema Council) as well as the political elite among the Nadhiyin community. Surely he has an appeal in targeting Muslim voters. Moreover, NU, which is the largest Islamic mass organization in Indonesia, opened a wide road to the Jokowi-Maaruf Amin pair, strolling towards the Palace. Choosing and choosing or declaring their ideological or political choices is a part of human rights that cannot be contested, so that the involvement of ulamas in politics both as council and regional and central leaders is legitimate. However, when this involvement is placed in the context of practical politics or identity politics that can threaten the harmony of the life of the nation in the framework of diversity and unity. So the terminology of ulama and political secularization will be the right to realize the humanized and civilized Indonesia. Considering that ulama (Islam), pastors and other religious leaders have a role as spiritual teachers, they should focus on educating the nation not to be easily dragged into the heat of politics or identity politics, instead of competing to declare their support to make it a political fatwa. instead it fools and injures democracy and political rights of others.   Keywords: Politics, Secularization, Ulama

Author(s):  
Ibnu Mujib

This study wants to keep track of public participation in responds to development of uncertaintly local democratic. This idea is based on an assumption of declining public participation in the previous elections of 2004. This study tries to observe how the development of democracy at the grassroots level can be influenced by extends political effect for imaging virtually designed and shaped by political pragmatism practices as conducted by the politicians in general. The fndings of this study explained that the democratization at the level of village/local is not understood as an urgent need, therefore the political participation of society is still in the category of “anut grubyuk” participation profess that is not based on the ideals and demands the real political rights of citizenship. The forms of participation are thus precisely met the drying times of democracy itself. It means that the future death of village democratization not only addressed because of the laziness of residents to political participation, but the attitude of the political elite is also partly responsible, especially in negotiating the political choices to rural communities in general.


1967 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 509-524 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. J. O. Dudley

In the debate on the Native Authority (Amendment) Law of 1955, the late Premier of the North, Sir Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto, replying to the demand that ‘it is high time in the development of local government systems in this Region that obsolete and undemocratic ways of appointing Emirs’ Councils should close’, commented that ‘the right traditions that we have gone away from are the cutting off of the hands of thieves, and that has caused a lot of thieving in this country. Why should we not be cutting (off) the hands of thieves in order to reduce thieving? That is logical and it is lawful in our tradition and custom here.’ This could be read as a defence against social change, a recrudescence of ‘barbarism’ after the inroads of pax Britannica, and a plea for the retention of the status quo and the entrenched privilege of the political elite.


Author(s):  
RANDRINRIJAONA MAEVA

The exclusion of women is at the heart of the modern political order, despite the gradual recognition of formal equality between men and women in the exercise of political rights. The evolution of the political culture has nevertheless allowed the gradual access of women to power. Yet in the case of Madagascar, gender consideration is not limited to the integration of women in power, but several challenges lie ahead for the country in terms of women's rights. Women parliamentarians through their roles can advocate for women's rights. But the question is how these women parliamentarians advocate for women’s development rights do?Women's development requires respect for their rights, and women parliamentarians, when designing and passing laws, have the opportunity to fight for women's rights, which generally boil down to the right to health, safety and work. The aim is therefore to highlight the capacity of women parliamentarians to establish a rule of law that allows women to develop. Women's participation in the proposals and discussions of laws can play an equal part in promoting women's rights and women's development.


1969 ◽  
pp. 465 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Asch

In this article, the author examines the need for constitutional recognition and protection of the political collective rights of minority groups in Canada, particularly those of Aboriginal nations. The author asserts that Canada's present constitutional approach to minority collective rights is one of "indirect consociation," an approach which embraces the ideology of "universalism" and does not expressly recognize or protect minority ethnonational communities. This is ineffective as it generates political instability. He examines both Canadian constitutional thinking as well as the thoughts of Aboriginal nations on the right to self-government and discusses the conflicting theories behind each position. Finally, the author suggests that the solution to resolving this conflict between minority and majority political rights is for Canada to adopt a "direct consociation" approach. This approach would recognize expressly and protect the political rights of Aboriginal nations and other minorities, based on the concept of equality, as opposed to continuing colonialist or assimilationist approaches which only serve to heighten inequality and political tension.


Kosmik Hukum ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rizkon Maulana ◽  
Indriati Amarini ◽  
Ika Ariani Kartini

The fulfillment of political rights for persons with mental disabilities in general elections has not been running as it should be. Pros and cons arise when collecting data on citizens who have the right to vote at the time of general elections. This research analyzes how the fulfillment of the political rights of persons with mental disabilities in legislation and the obstacles experienced in fulfilling the political rights of persons with mental disabilities. This research is a normative juridical study using secondary data as the main data, namely books, journals, research results, and legislation. Secondary data were analyzed normatively qualitative. The results showed that the political rights of persons with disabilities, including persons with mental disabilities, are a component of human rights that must be fulfilled in a democratic country. The fulfillment of the political rights of persons with disabilities is generally based on Law Number 8 of 2016, namely Article 13 which stipulates that persons with disabilities have the political right to vote and be elected in public office. These rights are important to be respected, protected and fulfilled in order to achieve justice for eliminating political discrimination against persons with disabilities. As for the obstacles experienced in fulfilling the political rights of persons with mental disabilities, namely the difficulty in conveying socialization materials to persons with mental disabilities and the level of voter participation among persons with mental disabilities is still low.Keywords: Political Rights, General Election, Mental Disability


Author(s):  
Ana Rita Ferreira ◽  
Daniel Carolo ◽  
Mariana Trigo Pereira ◽  
Pedro Adão e Silva

This article discusses the ways in which the Constitution of the Portuguese Republic has embodied to the political choices made during the process of creating and defining a democratic welfare state and how the various constitutional principles are reflected in the architecture of the system and have gradually changed over the years. The authors argue that when Portugal transitioned to democracy, unlike other areas of the country’s social policies the social security system retained some of its earlier organising principles. Having said this, this resilience on the part of the Portuguese system’s Bismarckian template has not prevented social protection from expanding here in accordance with universal principles, and has given successive governments manoeuvring room in which to define programmatically distinct policies and implement differentiated reformist strategies. The paper concludes by arguing that while the Constitution has not placed an insurmountable limit on governments’ political action, it has served as a point of veto, namely by means of the way in which the Constitutional Court has defended the right to social protection, be it in the form of social insurance, be it in the imposition of certain social minima.


2001 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Egbe Samuel Egbe

The participation of local communities in the management of Cameroon's huge forest resources appears to be one of the most imponderable and enigmatic issues confronting contemporary policy-makers. This is because forest resource access and tenure policies in Cameroon have, since the colonial period, generally been hegemonic in character. This situation was further accentuated with the advent of national governments. On the eve of independence and even beyond, African governments were so concerned with political rights that they did not give much thought to any other rightscertainly not to what has become known as the right of local communities to participate in natural resource management. It was quite easy for Africans to conceive of rights solely in terms of the political rights of individuals. There was thus an alleged incompatibility between riparian community rights to participate in forest management and respect for individual rights.


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 321-343 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seán Molloy

Primarily known as a pioneer of International Relations (IR) theory, Hans Morgenthau also wrote on a series of other political themes. Especially prominent in his later career is a concern with the right and duty of a theorist to exercise academic freedom as a critic of government power and, especially in this particular case, of US foreign policy. For Morgenthau the responsibility to hold governments to account by reference to the ‘higher laws’ that underpin and legitimize democracy in its truest form was a key function of the theorist in society. Dissensus and healthy debate characterize genuine democracy for Morgenthau who was perturbed by what he perceived to be a worrying concern with conformity and consensus among the political and academic elites of Vietnam War era America. This article investigates the theoretical and philosophical commitments that explain why Morgenthau felt compelled to oppose the government of his adopted state and the consequences of his having done so. For all the vicissitudes he endured, Morgenthau ultimately emerged vindicated from his clash with the political elite and his experience serves as an exemplary case of the effective use of academic freedom to oppose government policy by means of balanced, judicious critique. In the final section I argue that Morgenthau’s approach to theory, theorization and the role of the intellectual in society provides valuable insights into the nature of reflexivity in IR that are of relevance to contemporary debates in the discipline.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 12-23
Author(s):  
Arya Hadi Dharmawan

This study aims to describe the response of ethnic political subculture Bugis Bone and Gowa Makassar in the reform era, especially in the formation of a new elite. The results of this study indicate that the model of ethnic identity politics in Bugis Bone strengthened and weakened in Gowa Makassar etnicity. Bone aristrocrat succes to maintain its relationship with the masses, rather Gowa aristocrat, was decreased political function. In Bone, there was an elite formation process that is conducted by the clan of Page, while the political stage in Gowa more open and filled by a diverse political community. Bone society’s political choices are more primordial, caused by power relations that continue to be maintained by the nobility of Bone. While the diversity of political choices made by people of Gowa due to the weak political control by elites and Gowa aristocrat.


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