scholarly journals Media Framing on the Palestine-Israel Conflict

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-224
Author(s):  
Harun Arrosyid ◽  
Umi Halwati

The media is a medium for acquiring information, presenting factual information, data accuracy, and holding the responsibilities of news writers and media ethics. With the media’s significant role in constructing information and news, the media should be unbiased. However, the media has its pattern of publishing news, such as the conflict between Israel and Palestine. These contrasts can be seen from the various framing between one media and another, such as the different points of view of news writing, the title, and the images displayed. The purpose of this study is to examine how the media reconstructs the reality of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The mass media studied were kompas.com and republika.co.id. The research method uses qualitative research with framing analysis of William A. Gamson and Andre Modigliani. Utilizing framing analyst William A. Gamson, the reality emerges in device framing devices and reasoning devices. The results showed that republika.co.id highlighted the news of the United Nations Security Council, which failed to handle the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and tried to raise the image of Palestine, which desperately needed international support. Meanwhile, kompas.com reported on the conflict more neutrally, reporting the United Nations Security Council’s exertions to stop the conflict.

Author(s):  
Stepanus Sitanggang ◽  
Dina Fadiyah

This paper will discuss Analysis of Framing Related to the Coverage of Jokowi Who Attacked Prabowo in the Second Round of Presidential Candidates for 2019 in "mediaindonesia.com". The purposes of this paper are (1) To find out a picture of how media framing mediaindonesia.com in delivering an incident related to Jokowi who personally attacked Prabowo in the second round of Presidential candidates in 2019. (2) To find out the relationship between mediaindonesia.com and democracy in reporting of Jokowi who personally attacked Prabowo at the second round of the Presidential debate in 2019. The research used the Theory of Framing Analysis from Gamson and Modigliani. This research method used qualitative research. The results of this research explain that (1) Framing of mediaindonesia.com reporting in presenting an incident related to Jokowi who personally attacked Prabowo in the second round of Presidential candidates in 2019. (2) There was a connection between mediaindonesia.com and democracy in reporting of Jokowi on personality of Prabowo in debating the second round of the Presidential candidates in 2019. So, the conclusion of this research shows that in mediaindonesia.com reporting, it emphasizes what supports Jokowi and shows the point of view that leads to the control of the land owned by Prabowo. Mediaindonesia.com's partisanship supports the diminishing democratic values in Indonesia where the media are the fourth pillar of democracy itself.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 210-234
Author(s):  
Dewi Afrilianti ◽  
Budi Ardianto ◽  
Dony Yusra Pebrianto

This study aims to find out what is the reason the veto is considered irrelevant to the Security Council in realizing world security and peace in connection with the plan of veto power in the framework of reform of the United Nations Security Council because the use of veto rights by the five permanent member states of the Security Council, especially the United States has been used with no limits. The research method used is normative type with statutory, conceptual, and case approach. The results of this study show that the security council's veto power in practice has deviated from its original intent. The reform efforts of the United Nations Security Council have many obstacles but the main obstacles that greatly hinder the reform efforts are the arrogant, selfish, and willless nature of the permanent members of the United Nations Security Council who are veto holders to continue to maintain their hegemony and national interests. Keywords:  United Nations; Right; Veto;


Author(s):  
Bakare Najimdeen

Few years following its creation, the United Nations (UN) with the blessing of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) decided to establish the UN Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO), as a multilateral mechanism geared at fulfilling the Chapter VII of the UN Charter which empowered the Security Council to enforce measurement to maintain or restore international peace and security. Since its creation, the multilateral mechanism has recorded several successes and failures to its credit. While it is essentially not like traditional diplomacy, peacekeeping operations have evolved over the years and have emerged as a new form of diplomacy. Besides, theoretically underscoring the differences between diplomacy and foreign policy, which often appear as conflated, the paper demonstrates how diplomacy is an expression of foreign policy. Meanwhile, putting in context the change and transformation in global politics, particularly global conflict, the paper argues that traditional diplomacy has ceased to be the preoccupation and exclusive business of the foreign ministry and career diplomats, it now involves foot soldiers who are not necessarily diplomats but act as diplomats in terms of peacekeeping, negotiating between warring parties, carrying their countries’ emblems and representing the latter in resolving global conflict, and increasingly becoming the representation of their countries’ foreign policy objective, hence peacekeeping military diplomacy. The paper uses decades of Pakistan’s peacekeeping missions as a reference point to establish how a nation’s peacekeeping efforts represent and qualifies as military diplomacy. It also presented the lessons and good practices Pakistan can sell to the rest of the world vis-à-vis peacekeeping and lastly how well Pakistan can consolidate its peacekeeping diplomacy.


The United Nations Secretary-General and the United Nations Security Council spend significant amounts of time on their relationship with each other. They rely on each other for such important activities as peacekeeping, international mediation, and the formulation and application of normative standards in defense of international peace and security—in other words, the executive aspects of the UN’s work. The edited book The UN Secretary-General and the Security Council: A Dynamic Relationship aims to fill an important lacuna in the scholarship on the UN system. Although there exists an impressive body of literature on the development and significance of the Secretariat and the Security Council as separate organs, an important gap remains in our understanding of the interactions between them. Bringing together some of the most prominent authorities on the subject, this volume is the first book-length treatment of this topic. It studies the UN from an innovative angle, creating new insights on the (autonomous) policy-making of international organizations and adding to our understanding of the dynamics of intra-organizational relationships. Within the book, the contributors examine how each Secretary-General interacted with the Security Council, touching upon such issues as the role of personality, the formal and informal infrastructure of the relationship, the selection and appointment processes, as well as the Secretary-General’s threefold role as a crisis manager, administrative manager, and manager of ideas.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-328
Author(s):  
Catherine O’Rourke

AbstractThe gendered implications of COVID-19, in particular in terms of gender-based violence and the gendered division of care work, have secured some prominence, and ignited discussion about prospects for a ‘feminist recovery’. In international law terms, feminist calls for a response to the pandemic have privileged the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), conditioned—I argue—by two decades of the pursuit of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda through the UNSC. The deficiencies of the UNSC response, as characterised by the Resolution 2532 adopted to address the pandemic, manifest yet again the identified deficiencies of the WPS agenda at the UNSC, namely fragmentation, securitisation, efficacy and legitimacy. What Resolution 2532 does bring, however, is new clarity about the underlying reasons for the repeated and enduring nature of these deficiencies at the UNSC. Specifically, the COVID-19 ‘crisis’ is powerful in exposing the deficiencies of the crisis framework in which the UNSC operates. My reflections draw on insights from Hilary Charlesworth’s seminal contribution ‘International Law: A Discipline of Crisis’ to argue that, instead of conceding the ‘crisis’ framework to the pandemic by prioritising the UNSC, a ‘feminist recovery’ must instead follow Charlesworth’s exhortation to refocus on an international law of the everyday.


Author(s):  
Bruno Charbonneau

The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has failed the COVID-19 test, unable to promote or facilitate multilateral cooperation in dealing with the outbreak. This is worrying given its relevance as a principal organ of the United Nations (UN) that could enable or constrain international cooperation and given the need for such cooperation in responding to the COVID-19 pandemic. The failure of the UNSC to respond adequately to the COVID-19 pandemic highlights the historical limits of the UNSC as a forum for international cooperation. It also suggests that highlighting and debating UNSC reforms are not sufficient or even productive ways to move forward, especially in the context of the challenges that pandemics and climate change represent for global cooperation. It is far from clear if the UN system can change the global structures on which it was built. What does seem clear is that the UNSC is not where one will find the seeds of change for reimagining global order.


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