scholarly journals PENGARUH HUBUNGAN DIPLOMATIK TURKI DAN JEPUN TERHADAP PERKEMBANGAN ISLAM DI JEPUN[THE INFLUENCE OF DIPLOMATIC RELATIONSHIP OF TURKEY AND JAPAN ON ISLAMIC DEVELOPMENT IN JAPAN]

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 139
Author(s):  
Siti Zulfa Palem Zainol ◽  
Izziah Suryani Mat Resad@Arshad

This paper reviews the development of diplomatic relation between the Turkish and Japanese governments in the 19th and 20th centuries. In the 19th century, the diplomatic relation involved the Turkish Ottoman Empire and the kingdom of Emperor Meiji. In the 20th century, it involved the Republic Turkey government and the Japanese government. In addition, this article explores the various factors and efforts made by the two governments to contribute to the establishment of diplomatic relation between Turkey and Japan. This qualitative research used secondary resources collected from books, articles and theses. The findings reveal that diplomatic relation between Ottoman and Japanese governments had many positive impacts on the development of Islam in Japan. The fall of the Ottoman Empire did not stop this diplomatic relation. In 1924, the Turkish Republic continued diplomatic ties with Japan until 1945 but the diplomatic ties ceased as a result of the Second World War. This paper concludes that the diplomatic relation between the two governments has influenced the development of Islam in Japan through the formation of Islamic community, the construction of mosques and the translation of the Qur'an.Keywords: Diplomatic relationship, Turkey, Japan, Islamic community, Islamic developmentCite as: Palem Zainol, S.Z., & Mat Resad@Arshad, I.S. (2017). Pengaruh hubungan diplomatik Turki dan Jepun terhadap perkembangan Islam di Jepun [The influence of diplomatic relationship of Turkey and Japan on Islamic development in Japan]. Journal of Nusantara Studies, 2(2), 139-154. AbstrakKertas kerja ini menerangkan pengaruh hubungan diplomatik antara kerajaan Turki dan kerajaan Jepun pada abad ke-19 dan ke-20. Permulaan hubungan diplomatik antara kerajaan Turki dan kerajaan Jepun berlaku melalui dua era pemerintahan. Era pertama adalah empayar Uthmaniyyah dan empayar Maharaja Meiji pada abad ke-19 dan era kedua adalah kerajaan Republik Turki dan kerajaan Jepun pada abad ke-20. Di samping itu, artikel ini menerokai kepelbagaian faktor dan usaha yang dibuat oleh kedua-dua kerajaan untuk menyumbang kepada permbentukan hubungan diplomatik antara kerajaan Turki dan Jepun. Kajian kualitatif ini menggunakan sumber sekunder yang dikumpul daripada buku-buku, artikel-artikel dan tesis-tesis. Hasil kajian ini mendedahkan bahawa perkembangan hubungan empayar Uthmaniyyah dan kerajaan Jepun mempunyai banyak kesan positif terhadap perkembangan Islam di Jepun. Kejatuhan empayar Uthmaniyyah tidak menghentikan hubungan diplomatik ini. Pada tahun 1924, kemunculan kerajaan Republik Turki tetap meneruskan hubungan diplomatik dengan Jepun sehingga tahun 1945 tetapi hubungan diplomatik ini terhenti akibat Perang Dunia Kedua. Dapatlah disimpulkan bahawa pengaruh hubungan diplomatik antara kedua-dua kerajaan telah membawa kepada perkembangan Islam di Jepun melalui pembentukan organisasi masyarakat Islam, pembinaan masjid dan terjemahan al-Qur'an.Kata Kunci: Hubungan diplomatik, Turki, Jepun, masyarakat Islam, pembangunan Islam

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 87-96
Author(s):  
Elena Yu. Guskova

The article is devoted to the analysis of interethnic relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) in the 1940s and 1960s. The article is based on materials from the archives of BiH, Croatia, Slovenia, Yugoslavia. The documents show the state of affairs in the Republic – both in the economy and in ideology. In one or another way, all of them reflect the level of tension in the interethnic relations. For the first time, the article presents the discussion on interethnic relations, on the new phenomenon in multinational Yugoslavia – the emergence of a new people in BiH under the name of “Muslim”. The term “Muslims” is used to define the ethnic identity of Bosniaks in the territory of BiH starting from the 1961 census.


Author(s):  
Konrad Kuczara

Relations between the Ukrainian Church and Constantinople were difficult. This goes back as far as 988, when the Christianisation of the Rus created a strong alliance between Kiev and the Byzantine Empire. There were times when Constantinople had no influence over the Kiev Metropolis. During the Mongolian invasion in 1240, the Ukranian region was broken up and Kiev lost its power. The headquarters of the Kiev Metropolis were first moved to Wlodzimierz nad Klazma in 1299 and then to Moscow in1325. In 1458 the Metropolis of Kiev was divided into two; Kiev and Moscow, but Kiev still remained under the jurisdiction of the Patriarchate of Constantinople. Since that time, the orthodox hierarchs of Moscow no longer adhered to the title Bishop of Kiev and the whole of Rus and in 1588 the Patriarchate of Moscow was founded. In 1596 when  the Union of Brest was formed,  the orthodox church of the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth was not liquidated. Instead it was formally revived in 1620 and in 1632 it was officially recognized by king Wladyslaw Waza. In 1686 the Metropolis of Kiev which until that time was under the Patriarchate of Constantinople was handed over to the jurisdiction of Moscow. It was tsarist diplomats that bribed the Ottoman Sultan of the time to force the Patriarchate to issue a decree giving Moscow jurisdiction over the Metropolis of Kiev. In the beginning of the 19th century, Kiev lost its Metropolitan status and became a regular diocese of the Russian Orthodox Church. Only in the beginning of the 20thcentury, during the time of the Ukrainian revolution were efforts made to create an independent Church of Ukraine. In 1919 the autocephaly was announced, but the Patriarchate of Constantinople did not recognize it. . The structure of this Church was soon to be liquidated and it was restored again after the second world war at the time when Hitler occupied the Ukraine. In 1992, after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, when Ukraine gained its independence, the Metropolitan of Kiev requested that the Orthodox Church of Ukraine becomes autocephalous but his request was rejected by the Patriarchate of Moscow. Until 2018 the Patriarchate of Kiev and the autocephalous Church remained unrecognized and thus considered schismatic. In 2018 the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople looked  into the matter and on 5thJanuary 2019, the Orthodox Church of Ukraine received it’s tomos of autocephaly from Constantinople. The Patriarchate of Moscow opposed the decision of Constantinople and as a result refused to perform a common Eucharist with the new Church of Ukraine and with the Patriarchate of Constantinople.


Author(s):  
Alīda Zigmunde ◽  
Alvars Baldiņš

In 2018, Latvia celebrates a hundred years since it became an independent state. One hundred years ago, on 18 November 1918, 38 members of the People’s Council of Latvia (further in the text ‒ the People’s Council) took part in the proclamation of Latvia. None of them experienced the restoration of the Republic of Latvia, and most of them died before the end of the Second World War. There were seven graduates of the Riga Polytechnicum (RP) / Riga Polytechnic Institute (RPI) and one student who did not receive a diploma from the institute among the participants in the founding act of the Republic of Latvia. Of the seven graduates four suffered repressions in 1941 and were taken to Siberia, two after the Second World War went into exile, one died in 1924. Some of the participants of the Proclamation of the Republic of Latvia have left written testimonies about the beginnings of the state’s foundation. All members of the People’s Council were reputable Latvian citizens, some of them were awarded the Order of Three Stars for meritorious service to native land.


2008 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-12
Author(s):  
Jacek Bomba

Modern mental healthcare in Poland has its foundations in the 19th century, when the country was subject to three different organisational and legal systems — of the Austrian, Prussian and Russian Empires. These differences prevailed even after the First World War. Professionals lobbying for a mental health act had no success. The Second World War left mental healthcare with significant losses among its professional groups. More than half of all Polish psychiatrists lost their lives; some of them were exterminated as Jews, some as prisoners of the Soviets. The Nazi occupation in Poland had dramatic consequences for people with a mental disturbance, as Action T4 turned into genocide on the Polish territory. The majority of psychiatric in-patients were killed. After the Second World War, the mental health system had to be rebuilt, almost from scratch. Major political changes in the country across the second part of the 20th century and revolutionary changes in mental healthcare around the world influenced psychiatric services. The purpose of this paper is to describe mental healthcare in Poland today.


2003 ◽  
Vol 176 ◽  
pp. 1119-1120
Author(s):  
David Y.H. Wu

Following his earlier publication of three volumes of China through Western Eyes (1991–96), Roberts now concentrates on the Western perception of Chinese food and eating behaviour. In the first half of the present book, Roberts quotes travellers' tales from Marco Polo and other adventurers, personal journals of European missionaries in the 16th and 17th centuries, reports of English envoys such as Lord Macartney, merchants of the 19th century, and journalists' accounts from the Second World War to the Cultural Revolution. Part one, “West to East” starts with a succinctly written introduction and a chapter that draws from anthropological works on Chinese diet, food beliefs, and table manners. Roberts then discusses Western perceptions (more often imaginations) of Chinese food, which transformed from curiosity to aversion, rejection, and eventual popular acceptance.


2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-108
Author(s):  
Henning Schmidgen

In 1955, Norbert Wiener suggested a sociological model according to which all forms of culture ultimately depended on the temporal coordination of human activities, in particular their synchronization. The basis for Wiener’s model was provided by his insights into the temporal structures of cerebral processes. This article reconstructs the historical context of Wiener’s ‘brain clock’ hypothesis, largely via his dialogues with John W. Stroud and other scholars working at the intersection of neurophysiology, experimental psychology, and electrical engineering. Since the 19th century, physiologists and psychologists have been conducting experimental investigations into the relation between time and the brain. Using innovative instruments and technologies, Stroud rehearsed these experiments, in part without paying any attention at all to the experimental traditions involved. Against this background, this article argues that the novelty of Wiener’s model relies largely on his productive rephrasing of physiological and psychological findings that had been established long before the Second World War.


2002 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 35-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Selim Deringil

For a Turkish historian of the Ottoman Empire of the late nineteenth century, venturing into the Armenian crisis is like venturing into a minefield. It is fraught with dangers, the least of which is to be labeled a traitor by one's countrymen, and the worst of which is to be accused of being a “denialist” by one's Armenian colleagues. Even “balanced” analysis seems to have become politically incorrect of late, at least in some circles. The basic problem in the Armenian-Turkish polemic is that the sides do not actually address each other. They seize upon various capsule phrases, clichés and assumed political positions to heap opprobrium and abuse upon one another, to the point where we are confronted by something resembling a blood-feud. Thus Richard Hovanissian's obsession is to have the “Turkish side” admit, in a great ceremony of mea culpa, the claim of Genocide. On the other hand, Turkish historians and their like-minded foreign colleagues, at best, do contortionist acts to show that what happened to the Armenian people in 1915 does not fit the UN definition of genocide, which was fashioned after the Second World War to account for the Jewish Holocaust.


2012 ◽  
Vol 106 (2) ◽  
pp. 271-294 ◽  
Author(s):  
David J. Bederman

Albania ranks among the smallest and poorest countries in Europe, located on the Adriatic and Ionian Seas just north of Greece. It gained its independence from the Ottoman Empire in 1912 (accounting for the fact that a majority of the population is Muslim) and subsisted as a monarchy for much of the interwar period. Albania was occupied by Italy (and then Nazi Germany) for all of the Second World War. Communist partisans expelled the Germans in 1944, without the assistance of Soviet forces, and thus began nearly a half-century of a totalitarian, isolationist rule by an extremely repressive Communist regime under the leadership of Enver Hoxha and Ramiz Alia. This regime was definitively overthrown in 1991. Since that time, Albania has been periodically wracked by civil and political unrest, leading to substantial violence in 1997 that was quelled only with the brief deployment of a UN multinational protection force.


2005 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
JULIUS RUIZ

This article considers whether the Franco regime pursued a genocidal policy against Republicans after the formal ending of hostilities on 1 April 1939. In post-war Spain, the primary mechanism for punishing Republicans was military tribunals. Francoist military justice was based on the assumption that responsibility for the civil war lay with the Republic: defendants were tried for the crime of ‘military rebellion’. This was, as Ramón Serrano Suñer admitted his memoirs, ‘turning justice on its head’. But although it was extremely harsh, post-war military justice was never exterminatory. The article stresses that the institutionalisation of military justice from 1937, following the arbitrary murders of 1936, contributed to a relative decline in executions. Although the regime's determination to punish Republicans for ‘military rebellion’ inevitably led to the initiation of tens of thousands of post-war military investigations, only a minority of cases ended in execution. This was especially the case from January 1940, when the higher military authorities ended the autonomy of military tribunals over sentencing. This reassertion of central control in January 1940 was part of a wider policy to ease the self-inflicted problem of prison overcrowding; successive parole decrees led to a substantial and permanent decrease in the number of inmates by 1945. Allied victory in the Second World War did not mark the beginning but the end of the process of bringing to a close mass military justice.


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