scholarly journals Music in The Liturgy of The Catholic Community in Jakarta, Indonesia

Al-Albab ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-18
Author(s):  
Adison Adrianus Sihombing

This article discusses music in the Catholic liturgy in Jakarta, Indonesia in the postmodern era within the context of the autonomy of the Catholic Church. The Indonesian Catholic Church is an independent and autonomous church where liturgical music is a form of original artistic expression. However, in practice, the majority of Catholics in Indonesia view the liturgical celebration as uninteresting and dull. Conversely, pop music has increasingly influenced liturgical music. This reality is discussed and analyzed specifically in regards to liturgical music that experiences contextual data inference, especially in the specific cultural contexts of the community. The data analysis shows, in perception of Catholics in Jakarta, the role of liturgical music in worship is not homogeneous, but rather depends on the educational background, attention from Pastors of the Parish, cultural factors, and individual past experiences. For the most part, the level of understanding regarding the nature and important position of liturgical music in religious holy celebrations is low. Most consider that all music is the same and can therefore be used in the liturgy. Music is considered only a complement to enhance religious celebrations. In this context, the government and the Indonesian Catholic Church established the Catholic Church Choir Development Institute (LP3K) as a forum for fostering Catholics in Indonesia in the liturgical field and discussing issues related to music. This article confirms that the position of the liturgical music is crucial and has an irreplaceable significance in the liturgy, and the two are inextricably woven to each other.

2005 ◽  
Vol 48 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 157-184
Author(s):  
Witold Jemielity

Three periods could be observed in the Congress Kingdom of Poland considerable political freedom until November uprising, severe restrictions for the citizens after 1831, and unification with the Russian Empire after January uprising. During each of these periods the Catholic Church experienced new situation, however the second half of the century happened to be the hardest. 1905 was the turning-point in tsar’s policy in which political situation in the country had considerable contribution. The government made two important concessions: both languages Russian and Polish could be used as official ones, and, on 17/30 of April the so called tolerant ukase was issued that concerned religious matters. The Catholic Church in the Congress Kingdom of Poland gained more freedom. The Author of the following work showed this in the separate fields of work connected with ministering to a parish such as: keeping files of records, priests’ dwellings, appointing and moving priests, bishop’s inspections, church processions, parish indulgences, change of the parish boundaries, church building, retreats and Congregations of the clergy, the Pope’s jubilee, contacts with Rome, convents, Greek Catholics, wayside crosses, Russian language in church institutions, religion lessons at schools, voting to the Russian Parliament, the tsar and social matters. The Author has been dealing with the problem of Church history in the Congress Kingdom of Poland for many years. The present work summarizes the settlements the author has obtained hitherto and especially pays attention to changes that occurred after the year 1905.


Author(s):  
Yu Tao

The relationship between religion and protest has been thoroughly discussed in various academic disciplines of social sciences, but there is far from consensus on the topic. Scholars differ significantly in their opinions on how religious values and doctrines shape the mechanisms which link protest and religion, and on how interaction between religious groups, the state, and other secular and religious groups may increase or reduce the likelihood of protests. Contemporary China provides an ideal setting in which to further advance scholarly understanding of roles that religion plays in protest, thanks to its richness, diversity, and complexity of religion, protest, and their relationship. In contemporary China, due to the inherent, profound, and possibly deliberate ambiguities within the state’s legal and regulatory arrangements on religious affairs, the boundaries between government-sanctioned churches and “underground” churches are often blurred. Many Christianity-related protests directly respond to government crackdowns, which are aimed not only at those congregations and groups that are normally considered as “underground,” “unofficial,” or “independent,” but also at churches that have long been tolerated or even officially recognized by the state. Further, while many Christianity-related protests are closely associated with the clash of ideologies in contemporary China, the specific causes of protests differ significantly among Catholic and Protestant churches, and Christian-inspired groups. The ideological incompatibility between the ruling Communist Party and the Catholic Church in China is epitomized by their struggle for authority and influence over the Chinese Catholic community. Until the provisional agreement signed between Beijing and the Vatican in September 2018, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the Holy See had been competing fiercely for the authority to approve the ordination of new bishops, with such confrontations triggering numerous protests among Chinese Catholics. Unlike the Catholic Church, many of the Protestant churches that have emerged in the post-Mao era—including most “house” churches that do not affiliate with the state-sanctioned church—have no direct link with the transnational denominations which were active in China before the communist takeover in 1949 and are operated solely by Chinese citizens. However, while many Chinese Protestants display affection toward China and a sense of responsibility for improving their country, some influential Protestant church leaders have turned their progressive theology into social activism since the turn of the 21st century, leading to various forms of protests against the authoritarian policies and politics in contemporary China. Ideological and theological conflicts between different religions or religious schools may also trigger the Chinese state’s suppression of certain religious groups and activities, which often in turn cause protests. In particular, the Communist Party tends to impose extremely harsh repercussions on religious groups that are accused by mainstream Christianity of being “heterodoxies,” like the Shouters and the Disciples. These religious groups are often labelled as “evil cults” and their leaders and members often face legal action or even criminal charges. The protests organized by these religious groups have not only targeted the government but also the mainstream Christian churches that criticize them from a theological point of view. Given the profound ideological and political incompatibility of the CCP and various Christian groups, it is unlikely that Christianity can replicate the close collaborations that Buddhism and Daoism have developed with the CCP since the early 1980s.


Author(s):  
Karolus Budiman Jama ◽  
I Wayan Ardika ◽  
I Ketut Ardhana ◽  
I Ketut Setiawan

Manggaraian ethnic has a special art named Caci. The art holds and became an identity of the whole of Manggaraian. The art was begun as the ritual of farmer’s land fertility. In its developing, the aesthetic has gone under the multifunction in it show time. The art is not only performing for the shake of the local people culture, but also perform for the political interest as well as the catholic church in Mangggarai.  This research used ethnographic method, data collected through the observation, interview, documentation, and triangulation. The research was done in Manggaraian ethnic of Flores. Every Caci performance has its own unique ideology. The ideology goes behind the cultural Caci performance is the ideology of fertility. The ideology goes behind the government interest of Caci performance is capitalism economy and political power.  The church ideology is inclusivism through the inculturation languages. Keywords: dynamic, multifunction, caci, ideology, culture identity


2003 ◽  
Vol 174 ◽  
pp. 468-487 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Madsen

This article focuses on three distinctive features of the revival of Catholicism in China: its relatively slow rate of increase, compared with other forms of Chinese religiosity; its relatively intense internal and external conflicts; and its peculiar mix of antagonism and co-operation with the government. These are explained in terms of three interpenetrating layers of the Chinese Catholic community: its priestly, sacramental religious vision, its social embodiment in rural society, and the legacy of political conflict between the Vatican and the PRC government. Though intimately interconnected, these layers of the Catholic Church have each developed at different paces and in somewhat different directions. The effects of this are seen most clearly in the problems faced by Chinese priests.


1997 ◽  
Vol 30 (119) ◽  
pp. 429-451 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael McGrath

The Ministry of Education was, and remains, the most important government department for the Catholic church in Northern Ireland. As Cormack, Gallagher and Osborne note, The Department of Education in Northern Ireland occupies a distinctive place in terms of the general relationships between the government and the Catholic community. Throughout the period since the creation of Northern Ireland, the most significant social institution over which the Catholic community has exercised control, principally through the Catholic church, has been the Catholic education system.The devolved government appeared to recognise Catholic educational interests by usually appointing as Minister of Education one of the more liberal figures within the Ulster Unionist Party such as Lord Londonderry, Lord Charlemont and Samuel Hall-Thompson. However, in the first week of 1950 Sir Basil Brooke ‘surprised everyone, and appalled Catholics’ by appointing Harry Midgley, an avowed opponent of the Catholic clergy and autonomous Catholic schools, as Northern Ireland’s sixth Minister of Education.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 201-225
Author(s):  
Andrzej Friszke

This study of the struggle between the government of the Polish People’s Republic and Solidarity in the years 1981-1984 discerns three key actors in Polish politics: the Communist party leadership and security apparatus, the arrested leaders of Solidarity, and the bishops and advisers of the Catholic Church. The PRL government made strategic decisions in this period regarding repression and liberalization. Following initial advanced preparation for the trial of eleven arrested leaders of Solidarity and KSS KOR, the government attempted to coerce the arrestees into leaving Poland, thus weakening the movement’s legitimacy. The article demonstrates how the interaction between the leaders of the two sides – mediated by bishops and advisers – produced a new dynamic and a shift in the existing political mechanism. What was once a mass movement transformed into a more regular, staffed organization with a greater role played by leaders, who symbolized the continuity of the movement and enabled Solidarity to weather the period of repression. The article shows the changes and tensions in the Solidarity movement, along with the changes that were occurring in parallel on the side of the government and the mediating third actor, i.e., the Catholic Church. This case study of the strategic clash that occurred at the beginning of the 1980s illustrates the transformations that took place within the government and Solidarity – transformations that would prove crucial to the transition process in 1988-1989.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 176-200
Author(s):  
Ante Delić

The Vatican had never recognized the Independent State of Croatia (henceforth ISC) in accordance with its traditional policy of not giving recognition to the countries formed in war until hostilities cease and peace treaties come into effect. However, a few months after the declaration of the ISC, the Holy See sent an apostolic visitor to the Croatian Catholic episcopate in Zagreb, Dr. Ramiro Marcone, a monk from the Benedictine abbey in Montevergine, Italy. Marcone was accompanied by his secretary, Dr. Giuseppe Masucci, also a Benedictine monk. The two men lived in Zagreb until the end of the ISC in 1945 but also stayed for some time after that. In accordance with their duties, Marcone and Masucci were in contact with the archbishop of Zagreb, Alojzije Stepinac, on a daily basis and were thus well-informed about numerous issues of the time, especially those pertaining to the relationship between the Catholic Church and the government of ISC. The Catholic hierarchy headed by archbishop Stepinac, welcomed the proclamation of ISC and throughout the war expressed their belief that the Croatian people had the right to its own independent state. Abbot Marcone and his secretary Masucci acted in synergy with archbishop Stepinac. In accordance with his mission Marcone submitted reports to the Holy See while his secretary Masucci kept notes in his diary. One can observe Masucci's constant work on saving the persecuted, specially Jews from his diary (which has two different versions in Croatian translation). After the end of ISC, Masucci and Marcone were under strict surveillance and control of the secret service of the new communist regime which considered the Catholic Church an enemy of the state and openly persecuted it with the intention of destroying it. Abbot Marcone travelled to Rome on 10 July 1945 and the Yugoslav authorities denied him re-entry. His secretary Masucci also left Yugoslavia on 20 March 1946 after constant pressure from the new administration and was also denied re-entry.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 280-304
Author(s):  
Fernando Arlettaz

The Argentinian Constitution of 1853 established a religious policy based on two main principles: freedom of religion and the privileged status of the Catholic Church. In 1966, an agreement with the Catholic Church eliminated the power of the government to interfere in ecclesiastical matters, but maintained the privileged status of Catholicism. Today, the religious configuration of Argentinian society differs greatly from that of the 19th century. Amidst increasing religious diversity, some legal changes point to the transformation of the Argentinian regime from a nearly confessional state into a multi-confessional, yet not an egalitarian one.


2009 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 589-599 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberto Blancarte

In a contribution made some time ago, I stressed the diversity of factors which came together in the anticlerical constitutional articles and paragraphs that were approved during the Constituent Congress at Querétaro of 1916-17. The first of these factors—I argued—was the not unreasonable belief held by many Mexican revolutionaries that the Catholic Church had collaborated with the government of the military usurper, Victoriano Huerta, in 1913-14. In this regard, the political participation of the National Catholic Party had also been decisive in influencing anticlerical opinion.


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