scholarly journals The relationship between sports and national identity in Europe in 20th century

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 22-37
Author(s):  
Harem Hasan ◽  
Ahmed Baban
2018 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 46-66
Author(s):  
Jaime Omar Salinas Zabalaga

This article discusses the film Vuelve Sebastiana (1953) by Jorge Ruiz, focusing on its ideological and aesthetic aspects. The analysis establishes connections between the idea of “nation” in the context of cultural transformation prompted by the economic and social policies of the National Revolution of 1952 and the way the Chipaya community is represented. The central argument is that "Vuelve Sebastiana" can be read not only in relation to the new national identity but as an expression of a new national imaginary regarding the indigenous communities of the Altiplano. The author proposes that "Vuelve Sebastiana" represents the nation through the temporal and spatial cartographies of a modern nation-building project, making visible some of its tensions and contradictions and allowing us to explore the imaginary that has redefined the relationship between the State and the indigenous communities of the Altiplano throughout the  second half of the 20th century.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 309-335
Author(s):  
Klaudiusz Święcicki ◽  

The article discusses the process of increased interest in Zakopane and Podhale culture in the second half of the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century. Discusses the problem of highlanders acquiring national identity. Characterizes the environment of the intellectual and artistic elite of Zakopane. Attempts to analyse how fascination with the Tatra landscape and highlander culture influenced the formation of one of the myths that fund modern national identity. Tries to show how the artists influenced the development of Zakopane as a holiday spa. It also shows the impact of bohemia on the transformation of the culture of highlanders in the Podhale region. The second part of the article discusses the relationship of the poet Jan Kasprowicz with Podhale. His peregrinations to Zakopane and Poronin were presented. On the selected example from creativity, an attempt was made to analyse the poet’s fascination with the Tatra Mountains and highlander culture.


Author(s):  
Vesna Djukic

The paper investigates the relationship between the state, society and Serbian Orthodox Church in 19th and 20th century, considered from the standpoint of national identity, as a basic principle of contemporary cultural policies. The aim of the paper is to identify similarities and differences in three intersecting points in time in the relationship between state and church, as well as look at possibilities and obstacles for their cooperation in the context of democratic transition and consolidation of society in Serbia, following the dissolution of Yugoslavia. The theoretical exploration starts from the position that Orthodox Christianity, as it is ?dependent on the state and concept of national church?, is a source of nationalism and obstacle to democracy, based on which a number of intellectuals and civil organizations in Serbia are against acceptance of Orthodox Christianity as an identifier of national identity of post-totalitarian society in Serbia. Qualitative empirical research that investigated the starting theoretical assumptions is based on the case study of Pcinja county in the South East of Serbia, which is a religious, cultural and political centre of this part of Serbia, with monastery Saint Prohor Pcinjski located in its centre. The results of research demonstrated that repressive political factors supressed Orthodox Christianity from the public life, thus there is no empirical evidence of ?Orthodox nationalism?, and instead we can observe that throughout 20th century the church was a victim of ideologies of Yugoslavia, Communist atheism and ethnical nationalisms of the newly established countries in the region. In Serbia, this type of relationship towards Orthodox Christianity moved from former party state that dominated the society into a section of civil society, whose political activities tend to overtake the role of former Communist party. This part of civil society, as it is burdened with totalitarian heritage itself, bases its political attitudes on the empirically unfounded theoretical speculations, which is why, despite its efforts, it represents a challenge to the democratization of inherited post-totalitari an cultural system and an obstacle for Serbian Orthodox Christian community to realize its democratic right to free expression of values and ideas in which it believes.


Author(s):  
Dario A. Euraque

The relationship between historically specific ideas of race and national identity in Central America between the onset of Spanish colonialism in the region, in about 1500, and the end of the 20th century is very complicated. The relationship is rooted not only in the political economy of the region and subregions that were under Spanish colonialism, but also in Spain’s resistance to incursions of British colonialism in the area, particularly on the North Coast, well into the late 18th century, and in some areas of Central America into the 1850s. The nexus between the political economy of nation-state formation in the postcolonial setting deepened after break of the Federation of Central America in the late 1830s, especially after the rise of coffee and bananas as major regional exports. Independent governments in Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica tried to impose “imagined political communities” over these exports that would be different from the colonial identities designed by the Spanish imperialism of the past. In this 20th century context, mestizaje, or ladinizaje, became state sanctioned; it promoted racialized national identities in each of these countries, mostly the idea of ethnicity, albeit with critical regional and subregional differences, particularly between Guatemala and Costa Rica. Historiographies that have been influenced by postmodern sensibilities, particularly critical race theory, the new cultural history, and subaltern studies, have influenced recent understanding of the political economy of race and nationality in Central America.


2012 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 297-312 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jane A. Russo

Despite its late institutionalization, psychoanalytic theory began to spread in Brazil in the early 20th century. One path of dissemination was through the works and lectures of the most eminent psychiatrists of those days. These important figures in the Brazilian intellectual scene made a peculiar use of the Freudian doctrine, giving it strong pedagogical and hygienic overtones. In this article, I point out the relationship between this mode of interpreting psychoanalysis and the effort made by intellectuals of the First Republic in the construction of a ‘civilizing’ project for the nation. Racial miscegenation, regarded by deterministic theories of the time as incompatible with civilization, was considered one of the main impediments to this project. According to the intellectuals of those days, the problem of miscegenation was rooted in two fundamental characteristics of the Brazilian people: primitivism and an excessive sexual drive. I argue that psychoanalytic theory, through its concept of a broad and pervasive sexuality, on the one hand, and the possibility of its sublimation, on the other, provided a way out of this aporia. In order to support my argument, I use the work of Júlio Porto-Carrero, one of the most prominent promoters of psychoanalysis in the medical milieu of the1920s and 1930s.


Humanities ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 71
Author(s):  
Marianna Charitonidou

The article examines an ensemble of gender and migrant roles in post-war Neorealist and New Migrant Italian films. Its main objective is to analyze gender and placemaking practices in an ensemble of films, addressing these practices on a symbolic level. The main argument of the article is that the way gender and migrant roles were conceived in the Italian Neorealist and New Migrant Cinema was based on the intention to challenge certain stereotypes characterizing the understanding of national identity and ‘otherness’. The article presents how the roles of borgatari and women function as devices of reconceptualization of Italy’s identity, providing a fertile terrain for problematizing the relationship between migration studies, urban studies and gender studies. Special attention is paid to how migrants are related to the reconceptualization of Italy’s national narrations. The Neorealist model is understood here as a precursor of the narrative strategies that one encounters in numerous films belonging to the New Migrant cinema in Italy. The article also explores how certain aspects of more contemporary studies of migrant cinema in Italy could illuminate our understanding of Neorealist cinema and its relation to national narratives. To connect gender representation and migrant roles in Italian cinema, the article focuses on the analysis of the status of certain roles of women, paying particular attention to Anna Magnagi’s roles.


2020 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 607-621
Author(s):  
Faedah M. Totah

AbstractThe camp and the city are both important for understanding the relationship between space and identity in the refugee experience of exile. In the Palestinian example, the camp has emerged as a potent symbol in the narrative of exile although only a third of refugees registered with UNRWA live in camps. Moreover, the city and urban refugees remain missing in most of the scholarship on the Palestinian experience with space, exile, and identity. Furthermore, there is little attention to how refugees understand the concept of the city and camp in their daily life. This article examines how Palestinian urban refugees in the Old City of Damascus conceptualized the relationship between the camp and the city. It illustrates how the concept of the camp remained necessary for the construction of their collective national identity while in Syria. However, the city was essential in the articulation of individual desires and establishing social distinction from other refugees. Thus, during a protracted exile it is in the interstice between the city and the camp, where most urban refugees in the Old City situated themselves, that informed their national belonging and personal aspirations.


2014 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Farahwahida Mohd Yusof ◽  
Siti Norlina Muhamad ◽  
Arieff Salleh Rosman ◽  
Sarimah Noor Ahmad ◽  
Nor Farhah Razak ◽  
...  

This article discusses the phenomenon of sleep, with emphasized to its importance, sleeping times, sleeping positions and even the etiquette of sleeping, from the views of Islam and Science. The Quran and Science are inseparable and the relationship between the two is highly balanced. Scientists have said that the phenomena of sleep is a miracle that deserves to be analysed and studied in depth, as it is a complex phenomena. Glory and Praise to be Allah Almighty has decreed in the Quran of the importance of sleep in the day and night, and that sleep is one of the signs of Allah’s Almighty power and is a miracle to be studied by each individual. Islam places great importance on taking care of one’s body and sleep is one need that has to be fulfilled. Scientists have stressed that sleep is needed to rest the brain, improve memory, and increase one’s energy. This shows that Islam places great importance on having productivity and alertness in each individual’s deed. Many scientific facts that had been clearly stated in a fundamental manner in the Quran could only be analysed with the advanced technology of the 20th century. These facts were not known when they were first revealed and are proof that the Quran is the book of Allah Almighty. The view of Islam on the sleep phenomenon is in line with and is according to the findings of contemporary scien


2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-65
Author(s):  
Mary Varghese ◽  
Kamila Ghazali

Abstract This article seeks to contribute to the existing body of knowledge about the relationship between political discourse and national identity. 1Malaysia, introduced in 2009 by Malaysia’s then newly appointed 6th Prime Minister Najib Razak, was greeted with expectation and concern by various segments of the Malaysian population. For some, it signalled a new inclusiveness that was to change the discourse on belonging. For others, it raised concerns about changes to the status quo of ethnic issues. Given the varying responses of society to the concept of 1Malaysia, an examination of different texts through the critical paradigm of CDA provide useful insights into how the public sphere has attempted to construct this notion. Therefore, this paper critically examines the Prime Minister’s early speeches as well as relevant chapters of the socioeconomic agenda, the 10th Malaysia Plan, to identify the referential and predicational strategies employed in characterising 1Malaysia. The findings suggest a notion of unity that appears to address varying issues.


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