scholarly journals Referendum in the Czech Republic and Slovakia

2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Kużelewska

AbstractFor more than 80 years the Czechs and the Slovaks have been functioning within one political. economic and social system. Various political and economic circumstances resulted in the division of Czechoslovakia to the Czech Republic and Slovakia. Ever since the political systems of both countries became different. These various political systems inspired me to examine the people's participation in the political life of those countries.The aim of this paper is to analyse and compare the most common form of direct democracy -a referendum - in both the Czech and Slovak political systems. It will be compared on two levels. The first one will deal with general constitutional background of a referendum and its procedures, as well as with a comparison of regulations in the respective countries. The second one will concern the practice of referendum in the analysed countries.

2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 120-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hana Hašková ◽  
Radka Dudová

The article compares the development of policies pertaining to care for preschool children in the course of the second half of the 20th century in France and in the Czech Republic. It aims at identifying the key factors that led to the differentiation of the policies and institutions in the two countries, especially with respect to support for extra-familial care and formal care institutions (nurseries). We build on the theories of ‘new’ institutionalisms and we apply framing analysis, which allows us to understand the formation of ideas that precede policy changes. Specifically, we discuss the role of expert discourse and the framings of care for young children in the process of social policy change. We argue that expert knowledge in interaction with the political, economic, and demographic contexts and how it has been presented in public have had a fundamental impact on the formation of childcare policies and institutions in the two countries.


Author(s):  
Valery Rudenko ◽  
Kateryna Hrek

The creative work of Dr. Myron Korduba (1876 - 1947) in the geography of the population of Bukovina in the early twentieth century is analyzed. Scientists are given a thorough comprehensive geographical assessment of the population of the region, studied the levels of education of the inhabitants of Bukovina, the structure of employment and its distribution by major social strata. The boundaries of the Ukrainian and Romanian "ethnographic territories" of Bukovina are clearly delineated as a basis for establishing appropriate state borders. With the arrival of Chernivtsi at the turn of the century and employment in the Second Academic Gymnasium, a young, full of energy Dr. Myron Korduba plunged into the whirlpool of active socio-political life. He had clearly expressed Ukrainian-centric state views, which he vigorously defended and scientifically substantiated. Therefore, it seems quite natural that his increased attention to politico-geographical and geopolitical research, important areas of which we have considered earlier. A significant place in the creative work of the scientist, of course, is also occupied by geographical and pedagogical developments. Studying the work of a scientist in the geography of the population of Bukovina, we should pay attention to the extremely valuable for the study of problems of regional development - analysis-review of Myron Korduba on official census materials published by the regional statistical bureau. It is important, as M. Korduba claims, that the publisher is not limited to information only for 1900, but also provides data for both 1880 and 1890 for comparison. It was necessary to dwell on the most important indicators of the last census of the population of Bukovyna also because neither the Bukovynian nor the Galician communities were acquainted in detail with these materials. First of all, Myron Korduba pays attention to population density and its geographical distribution in the counties of the region. According to the average - 70 people per 1 km² in 1900 Bukovina ranked 9th among the Austrian provinces (in 1890 - 10th place after Istria). Kitsman and Sadagur counties of Bukovina were "most densely populated" - 125 and 123 people per 1 km, respectively. The counties of DornaVatra and Seletyn had the lowest population density in the region (22 and 13 people per 1 km). For comparison, M. Korduba provides data on the average population density in the Czech Republic - 121 people per 1 km². In his analysis of the geography of the region's population, the reviewer focuses significantly on the language issue. He notes that in 1900, Ukrainian was spoken by 41.2% of all residents of Bukovina, Wallachian - 31.7%, German - 22.0%, Polish - 3.7%. Dr. Myron Korduba's brief but extremely informative study "Bukowina / Bukowina v nástinuhistorickémaetnografickém", published in Czech in the series "PoznejmeUkrainu", is of great interest for a comprehensive understanding of the problems of the geography of the region's population. This article by the scholar is all the more significant because it was published during the Paris Peace Conference and, in particular, the preparation of the Saint-Germain and future Sevres peace treaties, which legitimized the transfer of Bukovina to the Kingdom of Romania. Based on the above, Dr. Myron Korduba gives the following generalizations: neither historically nor ethnographically, Bukovyna can be considered as a "purely Romanian land", as Ukrainians make up a relative majority of the region's population; the communities of Zastavna, Kitsman, Vashkivtsi, Vyzhnytsia, and the environs of Selyatyn are purely Ukrainian; the political districts of Chernivtsi and Seret, as well as the Ukrainian parts of the communities of Storozhynets and Kimpolungu, have a Ukrainian majority. It is the relative majority of nationalities in a given area that should be decisive in the "division of Bukovina into regions with different nationalities"; although the region's capital, Chernivtsi, is dominated by Jews, Ukrainians are second only to Jews. The city is surrounded by Ukrainian communities and borders a small "Romanian island of several villages." Therefore, it is natural to "deliver" Chernivtsi to the Ukrainian part of Bukovyna.


2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (04) ◽  
pp. 804-805
Author(s):  
Ruth Iyob

Victor T. Le Vine, professor emeritus of political science, analyst, and commentator, died on May 7, 2010, after a brief illness. Le Vine, an only son, was born in Berlin in 1928. His family fled Nazi Germany and lived in France until they immigrated to the United States in 1938. A polyglot, fluent in French, German, and Russian, he was a rigorous researcher, a dedicated teacher, and an encyclopedic repository of classical works in politics, history, literature, and music. He mentored hundreds of graduate and undergraduate students in his 47 years as an academic and was known for using his multilingual skills and photographic memory to make every class lecture come alive—at times accompanying them with his vivid newspaper clippings that he collected from his travels. In his classroom, the politics of the postcolonial world were peppered with vignettes of his experiences as a participant observer in the heyday of Africa's decolonization. He shared with his students the emergence of the political systems of diverse countries such as Benin, Cameroon, Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Eritrea, Ghana, France, Israel, the PRC, Rwanda, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Zaire (DRC).


2021 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-260
Author(s):  
Pau de Soto ◽  
Cèsar Carreras

AbstractTransport routes are basic elements that are inextricably linked to diverse political, economic, and social factors. Transport networks may be the cause or result of complex historical conjunctions that reflect to some extent a structural conception of the political systems that govern each territory. It is for this reason that analyzing the evolution of the transport routes layout in a wide territory allows us to recognize the role of the political organization and its economic influence in territorial design. In this article, the evolution of the transport network in the Iberian Peninsula has been studied in a broad chronological framework to observe how the different political systems of each period understood and modified the transport systems. Subsequently, a second analysis of the evolution of transport networks in the northeast of the Iberian Peninsula is included in this article. This more detailed and geographically restricted study allows us to visualize in a different way the evolution and impact of changes in transport networks. This article focuses on the calculation of the connectivity to analyze the intermodal transport systems. The use of network science analyses to study historical roads has resulted in a great tool to visualize and understand the connectivity of the territories of each studied period and compare the evolution, changes, and continuities of the transport network.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shamall Ahmad

The flaws and major flaws in the political systems represent one of the main motives that push the political elite towards making fundamental reforms, especially if those reforms have become necessary matters so that: Postponing them or achieving them affects the survival of the system and the political entity. Thus, repair is an internal cumulative process. It is cumulative based on the accumulated experience of the historical experience of the same political elite that decided to carry out reforms, and it is also an internal process because the decision to reform comes from the political elite that run the political process. There is no doubt that one means of political reform is to push the masses towards participation in political life. Changing the electoral system, through electoral laws issued by the legislative establishment, may be the beginning of political reform (or vice versa), taking into account the uncertainty of the political process, especially in societies that suffer from the decline of democratic values, represented by the processes of election from one cycle to another. Based on the foregoing, this paper seeks to analyze the relationship between the Electoral and political system, in particular, tracking and studying the Iraqi experience from the first parliamentary session until the issuance of the Election Law No. (9) for the year (2020).


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Filip Černoch ◽  
Lukáš Lehotský ◽  
Petr Ocelík ◽  
Jan Osička

This book summarizes a three-year research project on local opposition to coal mining in the Northwestern part of the Czech Republic. The research focused on the relational dimensions of the opposition movement and the political context in which the movement operates.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 245-256
Author(s):  
Dorota Żygadło-Czopnik

Growing up marked by trauma in Jiří Kratochvil’s, Uprostřed nocí zpěv and Magdalena Tulla’s, Włoskie szpilkiThe process of political change began in Czechoslovakia at the end of 1989, a few months after the so-called Polish Round Table Talks, and after the events in Hungary, East Germany or Bulgaria, foretelling the political transformations in those countries. Poles and Czechs are nations steeped in history, whose rhythm is defined by traumas, many of which still await their artistic disarmament. Czech history is completely different than that of Poles. As a result of the tangled history, Czech and Polish national identities are not fully defined. The key objective of the proposed paper is to examine how the contemporary Polish and Czech writers confront their totalitarian heritage. We would like to focus on the works of a Mora­vian author Jiří Kratochvil b. 1940 in Brno, who is undervalued and barely known in Poland, and of a Polish writer Magdalena Tulla b. 1955. As a matter of fact, Jiří Kratochvil was truly discovered in the Czech Republic only after November 1989.Взросление в тени исторической травмы в повести Иржи Кратохвила Uprostřed nocí zpěv и Магдалены Тулли Włoskie szpilkiПроцесс политических преобразований начался в Чехословакии в конце 1989 года, спустя несколько месяцев после польских переговоров т. наз. круглого стола и после событий  в Венгрии, ГДР или Болгарии, которые предвещали политико-режимные трансформации в этих странах. Поляки и чехи — это народы, погруженные в историю, а ее ритм в польском и чешском мышлении диктуют травмы. Многие из них еще предстоит обезвредить при помощи инструментов искусства. Чешская история во многом отличается от нашей. По причине непростой истории чешская и польская национальные идентичности не получили своего четкого определения. Основной целью предлагаемого доклада является исследование того, как современные польские и чешские писатели сводят счеты с тоталитарным наследием. Главное внимание будет уделено творчеству моравского писателя Иржи Кратохвила 1940 г.р., Брно, автора малоизвестного в Польше, а также польской писательницы Магдалены Тулли 1955 г.р.. Иржи Кратохвил и в самой Чехии приобрел признание только после ноября 1989 года.


1979 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 180-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marjorie Mowlam

CENTRAL TO THE STUDY OF DEMOCRATIC POLITICS IS THE IDEA of popular control over the activities of elites. More specifically, how can the preferences of citizens be aggregated into a political choice for a government policy or government personnel? Popular control, the effects of citizen participation in political life, is the basis of a major value orientation in the discipline: the notion of participant democracy. The degree of citizen participation becomes the key to the nature of democracry in a society : the more participation, the more democratic the political life of a country becomes. Political participation may take a variety of forms, e.g., running for office, holding office,voting, soliciting votes, and campaigning for, or contributing funds to, I the party of one's choice. However, voting is the most emphasized aspect of citizen participation, since it is the only form of active participation many engage in. The limitations placed on voting as a mechanism for popular control over political choices are well documented. Voters do not choose when to vote, nor the agenda. They have minimal input into the selection of candidates and the choice of issues which divide the parties at elections. Public participation in the selection and resolution of important policy issues between elections is severely restricted.


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