scholarly journals Inclusive Institutions for Sustainable Economic Development

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miomir Jakšić ◽  
Milica Jakšić
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Opportunity Cost ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Three Dimensions ◽  
Cost Curve ◽  
Upward Movement ◽  
Social Elites ◽  
And Performance

Abstract In recent two decades, due to contributions of political macroeconomics, the focus of macroeconomics turned away from a narrow perspective based on market and privatisation (market fundamentalism) towards a broader perspective based on institutions and values (institutionalism). Within the institutional paradigm, the emphasis nowadays is put on inclusive institutions. The main thesis of one of leading proponents of political macroeconomics, D. Acemoglu, is: “growth is much more likely under inclusive (economic and political) institutions than extractive institutions.” Good institutions are characterized by three attributes: 1) they establish and protect property rights; 2) they restrict social elites which strive to expropriate income and property of others members of society; 3) they provide equal chances for employment, social security and civil rights to all individuals. Good institutions contribute to political stability, successful macroeconomic policy, and enhance initiatives. The key role of institutions is to secure stability and continuity. Extractive institutions can negatively affect entrepreneurship and entire economic development in two ways: a) by increasing the opportunity cost, resulting in upward movement of the opportunity cost curve; and b) by affecting return to entrepreneurship resulting in leftward movement of the return to entrepreneurship curve. Apart from independence and accountability of institutions what is needed is sufficient level of inclusion. Inclusion should encompass three dimensions: personal, financial, and political. The introduction of principles of independence, accountability, and inclusion is essential for emergence and performance of all institutions.

Building a European Legitimacy Index

2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (5) ◽  
pp. 509-525 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alicia Blanco-González ◽  
Camilo Prado-Román ◽  
Francisco Díez-Martín
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Union Member ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
European Social Survey ◽  
Three Dimensions ◽  
Member States ◽  
Country Level ◽  
Changes Over Time ◽  
European Union Member States

This article outlines an approach to building a country-level legitimacy index designed specifically for European Union member states. The index allows intercountry as well as longitudinal comparisons. Changes over time reflect varying levels of confidence in the political system and may serve as leading indicators for differences in the economic, social, and political stability of member states. Source data for the index are derived from the European Social Survey, taken between 2002 and 2012 in 35 countries. The index is built around three dimensions (legality, justification, and consent). Results from the index vary among member states but, overall, show a tendency toward diminishing legitimacy. Citizens trust their police forces and laws, but are dissatisfied with institutions and the economy. Moreover, they feel increasing distance from their leaders, their representative bodies, and the effectiveness of political institutions. These trends highlight the need for public–private efforts to increase the legitimacy of European Union member states.

In the Shadow of Violence: Lessons for Limited Access Societies

2012 ◽  
pp. 4-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. North ◽  
J. Wallis ◽  
S. Webb ◽  
B. Weingast
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Economic Development ◽  
Open Access ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Gradual Transition ◽  
Major Conclusion ◽  
Economic Competition ◽  
Limited Access ◽  
Forthcoming Book ◽  
Personal Connections

The paper presents a summary of the forthcoming book by the authors and discusses the sample study of the 9 developing countries. While admitting the non-linearity of economic development they claim that the developing countries make a transition from the limited access orders (where the coalition of powerful elite groups plays a major role, that is based on personal connections and hampers free political and economic competition) to the open access orders with democratic government and efficient decentralized economic system. The major conclusion of this article is that what the limited access societies should do is not simply introducing open access institutions, but reorganizing the incentives of the elites so that to limit violence, provide economic and political stability and make a gradual transition to the open access order beneficial for the elites.

The Southern Slope of Monsalvat: How Spanish Wagnerism Became Catalan

2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-47
Author(s):  
Clinton D. Young
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Southern Slope ◽  
Modern Music ◽  
The Past ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Symphonic Culture ◽  
Similar Dynamic ◽  
The Way

This article examines the development of Wagnerism in late-nineteenth-century Spain, focusing on how it became an integral part of Catalan nationalism. The reception of Wagner's music and ideas in Spain was determined by the country's uneven economic development and the weakness of its musical and political institutions—the same weaknesses that were responsible for the rise of Catalan nationalism. Lack of a symphonic culture in Spain meant that audiences were not prepared to comprehend Wagner's complexity, but that same complexity made Wagner's ideas acceptable to Spanish reformers who saw in the composer an exemplar of the European ideas needed to fix Spanish problems. Thus, when Wagner's operas were first staged in Spain, the Teatro Real de Madrid stressed Wagner's continuity with operas of the past; however, critics and audiences engaged with the works as difficult forms of modern music. The rejection of Wagner in the Spanish capital cleared the way for his ideas to be adopted in Catalonia. A similar dynamic occurred as Spanish composers tried to meld Wagner into their attempts to build a nationalist school of opera composition. The failure of Tomás Bréton's Los amantes de Teruel and Garín cleared the way for Felip Pedrell's more successful theoretical fusion of Wagnerism and nationalism. While Pedrell's opera Els Pirineus was a failure, his explanation of how Wagner's ideals and nationalism could be fused in the treatise Por nuestra música cemented the link between Catalan culture and Wagnerism.

scholarly journals Sports, Transgender Rights and the Bodily Politics of Cisgender Supremacy

Laws ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Elizabeth A. Sharrow
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
State Legislatures ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sports Teams ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Legislative Proposals ◽  
Gendered Bodies ◽  
Political Right

Between 2020 and 2021, one hundred and ten bills in state legislatures across the United States suggested banning the participation of transgender athletes on sports teams for girls and women. As of July 2021, ten such bills have become state law. This paper tracks the political shift towards targeting transgender athletes. Conservative political interests now seek laws that suture biological determinist arguments to civil rights of bodies. Although narrow binary definitions of sex have long operated in the background as a means for policy implementation under Title IX, Republican lawmakers now aim to reframe sex non-discrimination policies as means of gendered exclusion. The content of proposals reveal the centrality of ideas about bodily immutability, and body politics more generally, in shaping the future of American gender politics. My analysis of bills from 2021 argues that legislative proposals advance a logic of “cisgender supremacy” inhering in political claims about normatively gendered bodies. Political institutions are another site for advancing, enshrining, and normalizing cis-supremacist gender orders, explicitly joining cause with medical authorities as arbiters of gender normativity. Characteristics of bodies and their alleged role in evidencing sex itself have fueled the tactics of anti-transgender activists on the political Right. However, the target of their aims is not mere policy change but a state-sanctioned return to a narrowly cis- and heteropatriarchal gender order.

scholarly journals Different Reasons for Different Responses: A Review of Incumbents’ Adaptation in Carbon-Intensive Industries

2020 ◽  
pp. 108602661989399 ◽  
Author(s):  
Franziska Sump ◽  
Sangyoon Yi
Keyword(s):  
Carbon Emissions ◽  
Organizational Adaptation ◽  
Three Dimensions ◽  
External Shocks ◽  
Review Of The Literature ◽  
Organizational Responses ◽  
Environmental Pressure ◽  
One Dimensional ◽  
And Performance ◽  
Performance Heterogeneity

Organizations often respond in different ways to common external shocks. To advance theories on organizational adaptation and performance heterogeneity, it is essential to understand different reasons for different organizational responses. We examine how incumbents in carbon-intensive industries adapt to heightened environmental pressure to reduce carbon emissions. Based on a review of the literature, we propose three dimensions along which diverse organizational responses can be efficiently mapped out: goal, timing, and scope. Building on our proposed dimensions, we develop a typology of five different organizational responses. With this, we show that organizational responses are more diverse than a one-dimensional scale could show but that the heterogeneity is somehow limited as the positions on the dimensions are not independent but correlated. To understand this observed limited heterogeneity, we proceed by identifying reasons behind different organizational responses. Furthermore, we discuss the theoretical implications of our findings for research on organizational adaptation and sustainability.

Bargaining, Networks, and Management of Municipal Development Subsidies

2011 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 481-497 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hyunsang Ha ◽  
Richard C. Feiock
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Bargaining Power ◽  
Impact Analysis ◽  
Cost Benefit Analysis ◽  
Cost Benefit ◽  
Organizational Networks ◽  
Control Mechanisms ◽  
Fiscal Impact

This article investigates why cities use fiscal analyses such as cost–benefit analysis and/or fiscal impact analysis to manage offers of economic development incentives to business. We advance an approach to understanding economic development subsidies and control mechanisms that integrate political bargaining and network theories. Municipal bargaining power, institutional incentives, and organizational networks are hypothesized to influence development subsidy decisions. The results confirm that local governments’ bargaining power and political institutions influence the degree to which cities use fiscal analyses. In addition, public/private organizational networks that bridge public and private sectors by linking quasigovernmental organizations and local governments increase information and credibility thus leading to greater use of fiscal analyses.

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