scholarly journals Regulation of the food waste measuring in the EU in the light of the need of counteracting the food wastage

2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-7
Author(s):  
Sylwia Łaba ◽  
Mikołaj Niedek ◽  
Krystian Szczepański ◽  
Robert Łaba ◽  
Anna Kamińska-Dwórznicka
Keyword(s):  
Food Waste ◽  
Current Data ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Uniform System ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
The Common ◽  
Different Characteristics ◽  
The Eu

Abstract The paper presents the analysis of the guidelines of the European Union, adopted in May, 2019, on the common methodology and quality requirements for the uniform system of measuring the food waste levels in the EU Member States. The Waste Framework Directive obliges the Member States to monitor the generation of food waste and to take measures to limit their production; however, a lack of uniform, reliable method for measuring the food waste levels in the EU causes that it is difficult to evaluate the scale of the problem, its sources and the related tendencies in time. The food waste is generated across the whole food supply chain; so, it is especially troublesome to determine the level of the discussed waste. The food waste with different characteristics, different source and different reasons for its generation is produced in each stage of the chain. The current data on the food wastes do not specify their quantities. In connection with this fact, a separate legal act was developed, that is, the Commission Delegated Decision (EU) dated 3 May 2019, focusing on the measuring of food waste, which is harmonized with the existing systems of data collection and provides a framework for further measures of the Member States in respect of the quantitative determination of the food waste that is generated.

scholarly journals Polish Education After the EU Accession

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-32
Author(s):  
Eugeniusz Suwiński
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Education System ◽  
Compulsory Education ◽  
Teaching Profession ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Accession Process ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Eu

Abstract The aim of the paper is to present changes undergone by the Polish education system after the accession to the European Union. In the article the changes are collated together with the main and distinctive trends which had existed in Europe before the accession and the ones that were introduced subsequently. The article shows that the tendency to unify the member states’ education systems is non-existent in the European Union. It also points out that the importance attached to education by the EU member states has not been as considerable as the importance given to economy. The paper is divided into two main parts. The main objective of the first part is to describe the decision-making process in the member states (as far as the common education policy is concerned) and its result, which was the report stating that education was considered to be a peculiar area of social politics and as such required separate arrangements and decisions. Therefore, there are neither specific procedures nor integration requirements for the associated and associating countries. However, as far as Poland is concerned, during the accession process the country was obliged to meet the expected standards, in particular the standards in the reform of the education structure and curriculum. The second part of the paper comprises the analysis of Polish activity in the following fields: –– lowering the age of the compulsory education commencement, –– reforming the structure of the education system and curriculum, –– practising teaching profession. The article further elaborates at length on the significant factor in the process of democratization of education, which is parents’ involvement in the functioning of a school.

scholarly journals The European Union and China Foreign Direct Investment Cooperation in the Context of the Belt and Road Initiative

2020 ◽  
pp. 76-93
Author(s):  
D. Potapov
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Belt And Road Initiative ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Belt And Road ◽  
The Common ◽  
National Governments ◽  
The Belt And Road ◽  
The Eu

The article analyses the foreign direct investment cooperation between the European Union and the People’s Republic of China under the Belt and Road Initiative. The initiative is proposed by China and is aimed at developing cross-regional transport and logistics infrastructure connecting China with South-East, South and Central Asia, the Middle East, East Africa and Europe. The author examines the history of the initiative and its assessments by international organizations (e.g. the World Bank and the ESCAP UN) and investigates the structure and statistics of the EU-China investment relations, basing on the examples of the most important China’s investment partners (including France, Italy, Germany and the Vishegrad Group countries). The discrepancy between the conditions for the EU and the Chinese investors is highlighted. The author defines and characterizes the major models of the Belt and Road projects’ development, which are used by China in cooperation with the EU Member States. The EU investors in China face restrictions imposed by the national regulation of foreign investments. In particular, the external investors do not have access to the sectors crucially important for national interest and security (e.g. high-tech sectors and mass media). At the same time, Chinese investors’ access to the EU financial markets is not limited, allowing them to become important shareholders in the EU companies and to transfer technologies. It raises concerns within national governments and the European Union itself. The national governments are establishing and adopting screening mechanisms for foreign direct investments and additional regulations to control important sectors and enterprises. At the same time, the EU Member States are developing a common view on the prospects and mechanisms of cooperation with China under the Belt and Road initiative. The EU countries have not yet reached a consensus upon the Belt and Road initiative and the prospects of the EU participation in it, so the author focuses on the strategies of the examined countries. Germany is calling for a common position for all the EU member states and advocates for using the EU-based mechanisms and platforms for cooperation with China. Such demands are also connected with the promotion of a common EU investment screening mechanism in order to protect the Member States’ interests and security. Italy is deepening its cooperation with China through bilateral mechanisms, mainly based on a memorandum of understanding with China on the Belt and Road initiative. France, on the one hand, shares the common interest with Germany regarding the need for the common EU policy towards the Chinese initiative, but on the other hand, the country is deploying new projects with China. The Visegrad Group states are forging their ties with China through bilateral and multilateral cooperation mechanisms and they are interested in the growth of Chinese investment inflows. This undermines the unanimity of policy towards China and the Belt and Road.

Visa Policy in the European Union

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jelena Dzankic
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Information Exchange ◽  
Strong Impact ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Gradual Evolution ◽  
The Common ◽  
Visa Policy ◽  
The Eu

Most European Union (EU) Member States participate in the common visa regime, even though there is no common visa policy applicable to all of them. The visa policy explored here covers the Schengen Area (including EU Member States and other countries, as well as EU countries that are still outside the Schengen). The Schengen Area does not include two EU Member States—the United Kingdom (UK) and Ireland—that have opted out from the EU’s visa policies and operate a common travel area between them. Furthermore, the common visa policy in the EU is related to the issuance of short-term visas, while visas of longer duration and residence permits remain in the national domain. Against this background, the visa policy of the EU has four relevant aspects. First, the gradual evolution of the Schengen Area has been driven not only by political developments within the EU and its Member States, but also by broader global developments (e.g., the fall of communism). Second, the consolidation of the internal and external aspects of the visa policy in the EU took place through the growth of the Schengen acquis. Third, visa liberalization has become one of the most powerful tools for policy diffusion beyond the EU’s borders. Finally, securitization of migration has had a strong impact on the EU’s visa policy, particularly in the domains of information exchange and police cooperation.

scholarly journals THE INSTITUTIONAL SYSTEM OF THE COMMON SECURITY AND DEFENCE POLICY (CSDP) OF THE EUROPEAN UNION: STRUCTURE AND MECHANICS

2016 ◽  
pp. 190-198
Author(s):  
M. S. Fedorov
Keyword(s):  
Crisis Management ◽  
Veto Power ◽  
The European Union ◽  
European Security ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
The Common ◽  
Institutional System ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Common Security

The article deals with the system of EU's functional units responsible for conducting crisis management within the framework of the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP). It analyses their structure and particular features. The author puts forward three main factors, which affected the shape of this system. First, it is the exclusively intergovernmental nature of the CSDP and the veto-power of EU member states in this field. Second, the EU-US and the EU-NATO relations have also influenced the shape of the CSDP organizational structures. On the one hand, the Alliance has served as an example of a successful security organization for the European integration strategists. On the other, Washington has always sought to embed the European security and defense integration into NATO and to control it. Third, the CSDP institutional system embodies a specific approach towards crisis management, elaborated by the EU - a combination of both military and civil instruments of peacemaking (the so-called "civil-military synergy"). Thus, there are two chains of units within the CSDP, designed for planning and conducting military operations and civil missions respectively. Having analyzed political and operational units of the CSDP the author concludes that, overall, the created institutional system is well-suited to the ambitions of the EU in the field of crisis management. However, the EU member states cannot use the potential of this system to the full because of the political differences that divide them.

scholarly journals Legal Aspects of the Implementation of European Union’s Common Commercial Policy: Lithuanian Experience and Practice

2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 61-76
Author(s):  
Gediminas Valantiejus
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Trade ◽  
Main Element ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Commercial Policy ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
The Common ◽  
Common Trade ◽  
The Eu

Abstract The Common Commercial Policy is the essential basis of the European Union (hereinafter - the EU), which, in particular, is a free trade area between the 28 Member States with a common external customs tariff and a common foreign trade policy as well as common trade rules with the third countries. Implementation of this policy is characterized by the fact that it is based on an exclusive competence of the EU, which after the Treaty of Lisbon (2009) became even more apparent. Therefore the countries of the EU should follow the same legal principles and rules in the regulation of their foreign trade, that is to apply the uniform EU rules on the calculation of customs duties and determination of the customs origin of goods, customs valuation and tariff classification of goods (Common Customs Tariff). However, implementation of these provisions is always experiencing stress due to the different interests of the EU Member States and the different national practices, especially when the administration of customs duties is actually implemented only at the level of individual EU Member States. Therefore the aim of the article is to assess the implementation of the EU’s CCP from the perspective of the EU Member State (Lithuania) and to describe existing discrepancies which may serve as an obstacle for the development of common regulatory regime for import customs duties in the EU or hinder its main economic goals in international trade. Analysis of relevant scientific problems is mainly based on the comparative method (comparison of the practice of the national courts in the Republic of Lithuania and the Court of Justice of the European Union in disputes related to the functioning of the EU's customs union) and generalization of professional experience (national and EU judicial practice). The research leads to the conclusion that a uniform implementation of Common Commercial Policy and the Common Customs Tariff, as its main element, is not fully ensured on the practical level from the perspective of certain Member States (i.e. Lithuania).

scholarly journals In a Search for Equity: Do Direct Payments under the Common Agricultural Policy Induce Convergence in the European Union?

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (12) ◽  
pp. 3462 ◽  
Author(s):  
Artiom Volkov ◽  
Tomas Balezentis ◽  
Mangirdas Morkunas ◽  
Dalia Streimikiene
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Agricultural Policy ◽  
Common Agricultural Policy ◽  
Financial Support ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
The Common ◽  
Direct Payments ◽  
The Eu

The European Union (EU) is an integrated alliance of equally treated Member States sharing mutual values, legal principles and markets. Close cooperation, deep integration and convergence are the major priorities for the EU. Anyway, these principles are not always reflected in the EU-wide policies which are implemented through financial support mechanisms. The direct payments financial support mechanism under the Common Agricultural Policy, the main instrument for promoting convergence in development of Member States’ agricultural sectors and rural sustainability, faces critique for failing to meet its objectives. One of the major deficiencies of the direct payments scheme is that it allocates more resources to already developed agricultural sectors of the older Member States and less resources to developing ones thus increasing the divergence among the Member States. The aim of this paper is to suggest new mechanisms for direct payment funds redistribution across the EU Member States which are based on the methodological principles that would more precisely correspond to the aims of convergence, transparency and fair redistribution. The results show that, regardless of the method chosen (to support more or less effective agricultural sectors of EU Member States), the proposed methodology lowers differences in direct payment rates among the EU Member States by two-fold. This ensures correspondence to the goal of convergence within the EU.

scholarly journals EU enlargement in agriculture and the WTO process

2012 ◽  
Vol 49 (No. 2) ◽  
pp. 71-79
Author(s):  
S. Tangermann
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Central Europe ◽  
Agricultural Policy ◽  
Common Agricultural Policy ◽  
Eu Enlargement ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Eu

Inclusion of the countries in Central Europe (CECs) in the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) of the European Union raises a large number of issues, not the least in the context of the accession negotiations among the current EU member states and the newcomers. However, in the process of enlargement, negotiations will also be necessary with other countries. This is because both the EU and the accession candidates have commitments in the WTO and inclusion of the CECs in the CAP may affect the nature of these commitments, as well as the ability of the enlarged Union to honour them. The paper deals with the fundamental problems in connection with presented themes.

scholarly journals Securing the EU Public Order: Between an Economic and Political Europe

2013 ◽  
Vol 14 (10) ◽  
pp. 2075-2089 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michiel Besters ◽  
Milda Macenaite
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Public Security ◽  
Public Order ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Integration Process ◽  
Member States ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Eu

Until recently, throughout the European Union's integration process, public order and internal security matters have been marked by a concern and respect for the national sovereignty of the EU Member States. Member States enjoyed their respective regulatory autonomy, as public order and internal security matters were dealt with at the EU level merely on the basis of the internal market logic. This is particularly evident in Articles 45(3) and 52 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). These Articles establish the exceptions of public policy and public security as grounds that may be invoked by the Member States to limit the fundamental right to free movement. These grounds have been primarily viewed as deriving from impediments to the creation of the common market.

Political aspects of security of the European Union Member States

2020 ◽  
pp. 97-105
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Kusztykiewicz-Fedurek
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Political Security ◽  
New Institutions ◽  
The Stability ◽  
Key Aspects ◽  
The Eu

Political security is very often considered through the prism of individual states. In the scholar literature in-depth analyses of this kind of security are rarely encountered in the context of international entities that these countries integrate. The purpose of this article is to draw attention to key aspects of political security in the European Union (EU) Member States. The EU as a supranational organisation, gathering Member States first, ensures the stability of the EU as a whole, and secondly, it ensures that Member States respect common values and principles. Additionally, the EU institutions focus on ensuring the proper functioning of the Eurozone (also called officially “euro area” in EU regulations). Actions that may have a negative impact on the level of the EU’s political security include the boycott of establishing new institutions conducive to the peaceful coexistence and development of states. These threats seem to have a significant impact on the situation in the EU in the face of the proposed (and not accepted by Member States not belonging to the Eurogroup) Eurozone reforms concerning, inter alia, appointment of the Minister of Economy and Finance and the creation of a new institution - the European Monetary Fund.

scholarly journals Inequalities in the European Union—A Partial Order Analysis of the Main Indicators

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (11) ◽  
pp. 6278
Author(s):  
Lars Carlsen ◽  
Rainer Bruggemann
Keyword(s):  
Indicator System ◽  
Partial Ordering ◽  
Disposable Income ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Per Capita ◽  
Educational Aspect ◽  
The Eu

The inequality within the 27 European member states has been studied. Six indicators proclaimed by Eurostat to be the main indicators charactere the countries: (i) the relative median at-risk-of-poverty gap, (ii) the income distribution, (iii) the income share of the bottom 40% of the population, (iv) the purchasing power adjusted GDP per capita, (v) the adjusted gross disposable income of households per capita and (vi) the asylum applications by state of procedure. The resulting multi-indicator system was analyzed applying partial ordering methodology, i.e., including all indicators simultaneously without any pretreatment. The degree of inequality was studied for the years 2010, 2015 and 2019. The EU member states were partially ordered and ranked. For all three years Luxembourg, The Netherlands, Austria, and Finland are found to be highly ranked, i.e., having rather low inequality. Bulgaria and Romania are, on the other hand, for all three years ranked low, with the highest degree of inequality. Excluding the asylum indicator, the risk-poverty-gap and the adjusted gross disposable income were found as the most important indicators. If, however, the asylum application is included, this indicator turns out as the most important for the mutual ranking of the countries. A set of additional indicators was studied disclosing the educational aspect as of major importance to achieve equality. Special partial ordering tools were applied to study the role of the single indicators, e.g., in relation to elucidate the incomparability of some countries to all other countries within the union.

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